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Title: Trump Says Comey 'Totally Protected Hillary' but Was Fired for Actions That Hurt Her
Source: Reason
URL Source: https://reason.com/blog/2018/06/15/ ... -comey-totally-protected-clint
Published: Jun 15, 2018
Author: Jacob Sullum
Post Date: 2018-06-17 11:13:05 by Deckard
Keywords: None
Views: 3119
Comments: 37

The president reverts to his original, highly implausible excuse for dismissing the FBI director.

Donald Trump says his decision to fire FBI Director James Comey is vindicated by the report that Justice Department Inspector General Michael Horowitz released yesterday. "The IG Report is a total disaster for Comey, his minions and sadly, the FBI," the president tweeted this morning. "Comey will now officially go down as the worst leader, by far, in the history of the FBI. I did a great service to the people in firing him."

Since Horowitz's report criticizes Comey, Trump's claim is superficially plausible. But Horowitz's conclusions about the FBI's investigation of Hillary Clinton's email practices as secretary of state are exactly the opposite of Trump's complaints about the investigation. While Horowitz says Comey treated Clinton unfairly, Trump has long argued that Comey let Clinton off easy. Which is it? Anyone who cared about logic or principle would have to choose, but Trump is either oblivious to the contradiction or assumes it will not faze his fans.

This is not the first time the president has asked us to believe he fired Comey because of actions that hurt Clinton, the woman whose imprisonment was a regular theme of Trump's campaign rallies. The initial explanation for Comey's dismissal, laid out in a May 9, 2017, memo by Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein and endorsed by Attorney General Jeff Sessions, focused on the same two incidents that Horowitz found most troubling: Comey's July 5, 2016, press conference, during which he said Clinton should not be prosecuted but criticized her "extremely careless" handling of classified material, and his October 28, 2016, letter informing members of Congress that he had reopened the investigation in light of newly discovered evidence that ultimately added nothing to the case.

Horowitz says Comey's press conference was not only "extraordinary and insubordinate" but violated Justice Department norms aimed at protecting subjects of investigations that do not result in criminal charges. "We concluded that Comey's unilateral announcement was inconsistent with Department policy and violated long-standing Department practice and protocol by, among other things, criticizing Clinton's uncharged conduct," the report says. According to Horowitz, the public reopening of the investigation 11 days before the presidential election was also a glaring departure from department policy and "a serious error of judgment."

Rosenstein said much the same thing in his 2017 memo. Sessions, who had never before criticized Comey for these decisions and had in fact defended both of them, nevertheless concurred with Rosenstein's conclusions. So did Trump, who appended Rosenstein's memo and Sessions letter endorsing it to the letter informing Comey that his services were no longer needed. "I have received the attached letters from the Attorney General and the Deputy Attorney General of the United States recommending your dismissal," Trump wrote. "I have accepted their recommendation."

Trump dropped that pretense two days later. "I was going to fire Comey," Trump told NBC's Lester Holt. "Regardless of [the] recommendation, I was going to fire Comey." He also conceded that the Russia investigation was on his mind at the time, which helped explain his otherwise puzzling statement in the dismissal letter that "I greatly appreciate you informing me, on three separate occasions, that I am not under investigation." According to Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani, Comey's refusal to say that publicly was one of the main reasons the president fired him.

Now Rosenstein, who helped Trump obscure his motive for firing Comey, is overseeing an obstruction of justice investigation in which that motive looms large, and Trump is once again pretending that he, like Rosenstein and Horowitz, was offended by Comey's shoddy treatment of Clinton. That position seems somewhat at odds with Trump's insistence that Comey should have recommended charges against "Crooked Hillary," who was obviously guilty and got off only because of the FBI's anti-Trump bias. "James Comey lied and leaked and totally protected Hillary Clinton," Trump tweeted last October. "He was the best thing that ever happened to her!"

Horowitz, by contrast, found that the decision not to charge Clinton, who arguably violated a law criminalizing "gross negligence" in the handling of information "relating to the national defense," was "based on the prosecutors' assessment of the facts, the law, and past Department practice." The prosecutors concluded that the offense "likely required a state of mind that was 'so gross as to almost suggest deliberate intention,' criminally reckless, or 'something that falls just short of being willful,' as well as evidence that the individuals who sent emails containing classified information 'knowingly' included or transferred such information onto unclassified systems." While the decision not to bring that charge was controversial, Horowitz says, "we found no evidence that the conclusions by the prosecutors were affected by bias or other improper considerations."

Trump's reaction to Horowitz's report suggests that he thinks Comey was terribly unfair to Clinton, departing from Justice Department policy in ways that hurt her election prospects. Yet Trump also thinks Comey "totally protected Hillary," who belonged in prison rather than the White House. Can those positions be reconciled? Trump does not care, and neither do his supporters.

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Begin Trace Mode for Comment # 9.

#8. To: Deckard, Justified, Tooconservative (#0)

Horowitz says Comey's press conference was not only "extraordinary and insubordinate" but violated Justice Department norms aimed at protecting subjects of investigations that do not result in criminal charges. "We concluded that Comey's unilateral announcement was inconsistent with Department policy and violated long-standing Department practice and protocol by, among other things, criticizing Clinton's uncharged conduct," the report says. According to Horowitz, the public reopening of the investigation 11 days before the presidential election was also a glaring departure from department policy and "a serious error of judgment."

[...]

Trump also thinks Comey "totally protected Hillary," who belonged in prison rather than the White House. Can those positions be reconciled? Trump does not care, and neither do his supporters.

What a crock. Comey's announcement was either insubordination or it was done with the knowledge and consent of Comey's superiors. All of his superiors, along with the rest of the world, knew Comey was going to make a statement. In this ultra-sensitive matter, we are to believe no superior asked or showed any concern about what Comey was going to say. Only a finding of Comey insubordination would make his superiors faultless.

As for Comey's delay, Comey and the FBI had their tit caught in a wringer. The FBI successfully delayed for nearly a month before getting off their ass to take possession of the hundreds of thousands of messages that belonged to their investigation. They had not attempted to get a search warrant. The SDNY investigation was into Weiner and the underage girls preferred by Carlos Danger. Had the D.C. FBI been able to delay another month, they could say thay had not seen the emails until after the election. They could call it a bureaucratic snafu between NY and D.C. But the New York FBI office got frustrated and sent a message demanding to know what the problem was — what was the the cause of the inaction. This caused a paper trail to the FBI felons and made their continued ignoring of the Weiner laptop and the hundreds of thousands of emails untenable. Comey made a now hurried, but month late notification to Congress, and to the American people, to cover his own sorry ass for the FBI criminal and politically motivated delay.

Because the SDNY put the FBI on the spot, Comey could not deny he and the DC FBI had obtained the about 340,000 messages. He couldn't keep a secret and had to make an anouncement before election day. His gamble at delaying did not pay off. Now he had to make an announcement that hurt Hillary to cover his own misdeed. In choosing between Comey and Hillary, Comey chose Comey. There remains no good explanation for the month long delay.

DOJ IG Report - pages viii - x.

WEINER LAPTOP INFO - FBI DELAY

Comey said that he recalled first learning about the additional emails on the Weiner laptop at some point in early October 2016, although he said it was possible this could have occurred in late September 2016. Comey told the OIG that this information “didn’t index” with him, which he attributed to the way the information was presented to him and the fact that, “I don’t know that I knew that [Weiner] was married to Huma Abedin at the time.”

Text messages of FBI Deputy Assistant Director Peter Strzok indicated that he, McCabe, and Priestap discussed the Weiner laptop on September 28. Strzok said that he had initially planned to send a team to New York to review the emails, but a conference call with NYO was scheduled instead. The conference call took place on September 29, and five members of the FBI Midyear team participated. Notes from the conference call indicate the participants discussed the presence of a large volume of emails (350,000) on the Weiner laptop and specific domain names, including clintonemail.com and state.gov. The Midyear SSA said that NYO also mentioned seeing BlackBerry domain emails on the Weiner laptop.

Additional discussions took place on October 3 and 4, 2016. However, after October 4, we found no evidence that anyone associated with the Midyear investigation, including the entire leadership team at FBI Headquarters, took any action on the Weiner laptop issue until the week of October 24, and then did so only after the Weiner case agent expressed concerns to SDNY, prompting SDNY to contact the Office of the Deputy Attorney General (ODAG) on October 21 to raise concerns about the lack of action.

Reengagement of FBI Headquarters

On Friday, October 21, SDNY Deputy U.S. Attorney Joon Kim contacted ODAG and was put in touch with DAAG George Toscas, the most senior career Department official involved in the Midyear investigation. Thereafter, at Toscas’s request, one of the Midyear prosecutors called Strzok. This was the first conversation that the FBI had with Midyear prosecutors about the Weiner laptop.

Toscas said he asked McCabe about the Weiner laptop on Monday, October 24, after a routine meeting between FBI and Department leadership. McCabe told us that this interaction with Toscas caused him to follow and to call McCord about the issue. On October 26, NYO, SDNY, and Midyear team members participated in a conference call. The FBI Midyear team told the OIG that they learned important new information on this call, specifically: (1) that there was a large volume of emails on the Weiner laptop, particularly the potential for a large number of @clintonemail.com emails; and (2) that the presence of Blackberry data indicated that emails from Clinton’s first three months as Secretary of State could be present on the laptop. However, as we describe above and in Chapter Nine of our report, these basic facts were known to the FBI by September 29, 2016.

The FBI Midyear team briefed McCabe about the information from the conference call on the evening of October 26, 2016. McCabe told us that he felt the situation was “absolutely urgent” and proposed that the FBI Midyear team meet with Comey the following day. On October 27 at 5:20 a.m., McCabe emailed Comey stating that the Midyear team “has come across some additional actions they believe they need to take,” and recommending that they meet that day to discuss the implications “if you have any space on your calendar.” Comey stated that he did not know what this email was about when he received it and did not initially recall that he had been previously notified about the Weiner laptop.

We found that, by no later than September 29, FBI executives and the FBI Midyear team had learned virtually every fact that was cited by the FBI in late October as justification for obtaining the search warrant for the Weiner laptop, including that the laptop contained:

• Over 340,000 emails, some of which were from domains associated with Clinton, including state.gov, clintonfoundation.org, clintonemail.com, and hillaryclinton.com;

• Numerous emails between Clinton and Abedin;

• An unknown number of Blackberry communications on the laptop, including one or more messages between Clinton and Abedin, indicating the possibility that the laptop contained communications from the early months of Clinton’s tenure; and

• Emails dated beginning in 2007 and covering the entire period of Clinton’s tenure as Secretary of State

As we describe in Chapter Nine of our report, the explanations we were given for the FBI’s failure to take immediate action on the Weiner laptop fell into four general categories:

• The FBI Midyear team was waiting for additional information about the contents of the laptop from NYO, which was not provided until late October;

• The FBI Midyear team could not review the emails without additional legal authority, such as consent or a new search warrant;

• The FBI Midyear team and senior FBI officials did not believe that the information on the laptop was likely to be significant; and

• Key members of the FBI Midyear team had been reassigned to the investigation of Russian interference in the U.S. election, which was a higher priority.

We found these explanations to be unpersuasive justifications for not acting sooner, given the FBI leadership’s conclusion about the importance of the information and that the FBI Midyear team had sufficient information to take action in early October and knew at that time that it would need a new search warrant to review any Clinton-Abedin emails. Moreover, given the FBI’s extensive resources, the fact that Strzok and several other FBI members of the Midyear team had been assigned to the Russia investigation, which was extremely active during this September and October time period, was not an excuse for failing to take any action during this time period on the Weiner laptop.

The FBI’s failure to act in late September or early October is even less justifiable when contrasted with the attention and resources that FBI management and some members of the Midyear team dedicated to other activities in connection with the Midyear investigation during the same period. As detailed in Chapter Eight, these activities included:

• The preparation of Comey’s speech at the FBI’s SAC Conference on October 12, a speech designed to help equip SACs to “bat down” misinformation about the July 5 declination decision;

• The preparation and distribution of detailed talking points to FBI SACs in mid-October in order, again, “to equip people who are going to be talking about it anyway with the actual facts

and [the FBI’s] actual perspective on [the declination]”; and

• A briefing for retired FBI agents conducted on October 21 to describe the investigative decisions made during Midyear so as to arm former employees with facts so that they, too, might counter “falsehoods and exaggerations.” In assessing the decision to prioritize the Russia investigation over following up on the Midyear-related investigative lead discovered on the Weiner laptop, we were particularly concerned about text messages sent by Strzok and Page that potentially indicated or created the appearance that investigative decisions they made were impacted by bias or improper considerations. Most of the text messages raising such questions pertained to the Russia investigation, and the implication in some of these text messages, particularly Strzok’s August 8 text message (“we’ll stop” candidate Trump from being elected), was that Strzok might be willing to take official action to impact a presidential candidate’s electoral prospects. Under these circumstances, we did not have confidence that Strzok’s decision to prioritize the Russia investigation over following up on the Midyear-related investigative lead discovered on the Weiner laptop was free from bias. We searched for evidence that the Weiner laptop was deliberately placed on the back-burner by others in the FBI to protect Clinton, but found no evidence in emails, text messages, instant messages, or documents that suggested an improper purpose. We also took note of the fact that numerous other FBI executives—including the approximately 39 who participated in the September 28 SVTC—were briefed on the potential existence of Midyear-related emails on the Weiner laptop. We also noted that the Russia investigation was under the supervision of Priestap—for whom we found no evidence of bias and who himself was aware of the Weiner laptop issue by September 29. However, we also did not identify a consistent or persuasive explanation for the FBI’s failure to act for almost a month after learning of potential Midyear-related emails on the Weiner laptop.

The FBI’s inaction had potentially far-reaching consequences. Comey told the OIG that, had he known about the laptop in the beginning of October and thought the email review could have been completed before the election, it may have affected his decision to notify Congress. Comey told the OIG, “I don’t know [if] it would have put us in a different place, but I would have wanted to have the opportunity.”

Comey’s Decision to Notify Congress on October 28

Following the briefing from the FBI Midyear team on October 27, 2016, Comey authorized the Midyear team to seek a search warrant, telling the OIG that “the volume of emails” and the presence of BlackBerry emails on the Weiner laptop were “two highly significant facts.” As we describe in Chapter Thirteen of our report, McCabe joined this meeting by phone but was asked not to participate, and subsequently recused himself from the Midyear investigation on November 1, 2016.

The issue of notifying Congress of the Weiner laptop development was first raised at the October 27 briefing and, over the course of the next 24 hours, numerous additional discussions occurred within the FBI. As we describe in Chapter Ten of our report, the factors considered during those discussions included:

nolu chan  posted on  2018-06-19   14:24:29 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


#9. To: nolu chan (#8)

What a crock. Comey's announcement was either insubordination or it was done with the knowledge and consent of Comey's superiors. All of his superiors, along with the rest of the world, knew Comey was going to make a statement. In this ultra-sensitive matter, we are to believe no superior asked or showed any concern about what Comey was going to say. Only a finding of Comey insubordination would make his superiors faultless.

I get your argument here but I think we have to realize that Comey is one strange duck. He might have been a Lone Ranger on this, lost in the loftiness of his own power and prestige.

I wouldn't bet that Comey was keeping his superiors informed.

Tooconservative  posted on  2018-06-19   18:10:22 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


Replies to Comment # 9.

#10. To: Tooconservative (#9)

I wouldn't bet that Comey was keeping his superiors informed.

I would bet the farm that he did not go on national tv without his superiors vetting what he was going to say. They were not tuning in to the tv to find out live.

nolu chan  posted on  2018-06-20 11:03:04 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


#16. To: Tooconservative, nolu chan (#9)

I think we have to realize that Comey is one strange duck. He might have been a Lone Ranger on this, lost in the loftiness of his own power and prestige.

I wouldn't bet that Comey was keeping his superiors informed.

"Lone Ranger"? No way. "Strange Duck", without a doubt. McCabe, Strok, Page, and many others were a part of this cover-up FOR Hitlery and framing OF Donald Trump.

Personally, I believe Comey had to have been consulted by "Strong Man" ValJarret. Hard to believe Comey would have made that decision and scripted his public explanation independently.

Zero had no great love for Hitlery, assumed she'd win the election in any case but hoped to have her beaten-up just the same *just in case*. OR, even for kicks.

0bama knew (and knows) he or Moose can run in 2020; that he and ValJar have set up shop in DC was a tip-off.

Liberator  posted on  2018-06-20 12:38:34 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


End Trace Mode for Comment # 9.

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