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Title: Alabama Supreme Court orders halt to same-sex marriages
Source: [None]
URL Source: http://www.al.com/news/index.ssf/20 ... ma_supreme_court_orders_h.html
Published: Mar 3, 2015
Author: Kyle Whitmire
Post Date: 2015-03-03 22:39:44 by A K A Stone
Keywords: None
Views: 1326
Comments: 17

Weeks after a United States District Court judge in Mobile ordered a probate judge there to issue same-sex marriage licenses, the Alabama Supreme Court has ordered a halt to same-sex marriages in the state.

"As it has done for approximately two centuries, Alabama law allows for 'marriage' between only one man and one woman," the order said. "Alabama probate judges have a ministerial duty not to issue any marriage license contrary to this law. Nothing in the United States Constitution alters or overrides this duty."

While same-sex marriage advocates chanted "love wins" outside Alabama courthouses last month, the Alabama Supreme Court said love has little to do with legal marriage in the state.

"This notion has broad public appeal and is, perhaps, the mantra most repeated in public discussions of this matter," the court wrote. "But although love may be an important factor in a lasting marriage, civil marriage has no public interest in whether the people seeking a marriage license love one another."

The order, called a writ of mandamus, had been requested by the Alabama Policy Institute and the Alabama Citizens Action Program last month.

In a statement after the ruling, lawyers from Liberty Counsel, which represented the plaintiffs, applauded the decision and blasted the federal judge who ruled in favor of same-sex marriages in Mobile.

"The ruling represents a significant shift of momentum in the same-sex marriage agenda, and is a direct challenge to the orders of U.S. District Court Judge Callie Granade, who in January purported to overturn Alabama's marriage laws," the firm said in a statement released Tuesday night. "The ruling of the Alabama Supreme Court offers the most forceful and clearly articulated rebuttal to date of the imaginative arguments for same-sex 'marriage' employed by federal courts."

Alabama Supreme Court Chief Justice Roy Moore has been a vocal opponent of same-sex marriage in the media in the last month. However, he is not listed among the concurring or dissenting judges and appears to have recused himself from the case.

The court seemed to chide Alabama Attorney General Luther Strange for not taking a more active role in enforcing state law.

"In the wake of the federal district court's orders, Attorney General Strange has refrained from fulfilling what would otherwise have been his customary role of providing advice and guidance to public officials, including probate judges, as to whether or how their duties under the law may have been altered by the federal district court's decision," the court wrote.

The order gives probate judges five days to submit responses if they want to show cause why they should be able to grant marriage licenses to same-sex couples.

The order also gives Mobile County Probate Judge Don Davis until Thursday to argue why he should not be bound by the order. Davis has asked the court to dismiss him from the lawsuit because he had been ordered by the federal district court to issue licenses to same-sex couples.

Only Justice Greg Shaw dissented from the order, but he made clear that he did so because he thought the case had been filed incorrectly and the court did not yet have jurisdiction to hear it. In his dissent, Shaw argued that the federal court should have issued a stay against same-sex marriages until the U.S. Supreme Court had settled the matter.

"Such a drastic change in Alabama law warranted the granting of a stay," he wrote. "The lack of a stay has resulted in much unnecessary confusion and costly litigation. Because I do not believe the case before this Court is properly filed, I cannot, at this time, express my opinion as to whether the federal court's decision was correct."

David Kennedy, one of the lawyers who represented the Mobile couple who successfully challenged Alabama's same-sex marriage ban, said he does not think the ruling would survive a challenge in federal court.

"I don't really think that they can do that. I'm not surprised, but I'm somewhat appalled," he said. "The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that the stay (on the order striking down the gay marriage ban) would expire on Feb. 9. On Feb. 9, same-sex marriage effectively became legal in Alabama."

Kennedy said he does not anticipate taking action on behalf of any of the clients he represented in Mobile, because all of those couples have obtained marriage licenses.

"These people are married," he said. "There's nothing the Alabama Supreme Court can do to overturn that."

But Kennedy said he believes that probate judges act "at their own peril" if they choose to obey state courts instead of federal court. He said any couple denied a marriage license could sue in the federal district where they live.

He said the outcome should be clear.

"Whenever state law conflicts with federal law, federal law wins," he said.

"The state is going to take such a black eye on this," said University of Alabama Law Professor Ron Krotoszynski, Jr.. "I think it's going to play very badly in the national media," he said, citing shows like Bill Maher, John Oliver and The Daily Show with Jon Stewart.

"They're rejecting Judge Granade's reasoning lock stock and barrel," Krotoszynski said.

Granade's reasoning is in line with more than 60 federal district judges who have ruled on the same issue since the U.S. Supreme Court knocked down a port of the federal Defense of Marriage Act (or DOMA) in 2013, Krotoszynski said.

The next likely step is for one of the probate judges to file an emergency stay with the U.S. Supreme Court, Krotoszynski said. The situation could be "chaotic" between now and June when the U.S. Supreme Court is to rule on the issue anyway in a 6th Circuit case, he said.

Probate Judge Davis in Mobile could be in the worst position if the Alabama Supreme Court brings him under their order, which it appears they are inclined to do, Krotoszynski said. "He is between a rock and a hard place," he said.

The Human Rights campaign blasted the ruling, which it called meandering and bizarre.

"The Alabama state Supreme Court does not have the authority to interfere with a federal court order," said HRC Legal Director Sarah Warbelow. "This order is outrageous and baffling, and no amount of legalese can hide the bare animus that forms the foundation of this extralegal ruling."

Reporters Brendan Kirby and Kent Faulk contributed to this story.

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#8. To: A K A Stone (#0)

The order also gives Mobile County Probate Judge Don Davis until Thursday to argue why he should not be bound by the order. Davis has asked the court to dismiss him from the lawsuit because he had been ordered by the federal district court to issue licenses to same-sex couples.

Only Justice Greg Shaw dissented from the order, but he made clear that he did so because he thought the case had been filed incorrectly and the court did not yet have jurisdiction to hear it. In his dissent, Shaw argued that the federal court should have issued a stay against same-sex marriages until the U.S. Supreme Court had settled the matter.

"Such a drastic change in Alabama law warranted the granting of a stay," he wrote. "The lack of a stay has resulted in much unnecessary confusion and costly litigation. Because I do not believe the case before this Court is properly filed, I cannot, at this time, express my opinion as to whether the federal court's decision was correct."

The analysis is not so simple as Alabama defying the U.S. Federal Court. There is real precedent, shown below, relied upon by Judge Moore and the Alabama Supreme Court. (Judge Moore recused himself from the instant case.)

Strawser v Strange, ALSD 14-cv-00424, Doc 55 (02-12-2015) ORDER at 7:

Accordingly, the Court once again makes the following declaration:

It is ORDERED and DECLARED that ALA. CONST. ART. I, § 36.03 (2006) and ALA. CODE 1975 § 30-1-19 are unconstitutional because they violate the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Probate Judge Don Davis is hereby ENJOINED from refusing to issue marriage licenses to plaintiffs due to the Alabama laws which prohibit same-sex marriage. If Plaintiffs take all steps that are required in the normal course of business as a prerequisite to issuing a marriage license to opposite-sex couples, Judge Davis may not deny them a license on the ground that Plaintiffs constitute same-sex couples or because it is prohibited by the Sanctity of Marriage Amendment and the Alabama Marriage Protection Act or by any other Alabama law or Order pertaining to same-sex marriage. This injunction binds Judge Don Davis and all his officers, agents, servants and employees, and others in active concert or participation with any of them, who would seek to enforce the marriage laws of Alabama which prohibit or fail to recognize same-sex marriage.

DONE and ORDERED this 12th day of February, 2015.
/s/ Callie V. S. Granade
UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE

There is standing U.S. Supreme Court precedent affirming a 1971 Minnesota Supreme Court opinion a ban on same-sex marriage. See Baker v Nelson, 191 NW 2d 185, 291 Minn. 310 (15 Oct 1971), OPINION en banc (quoted in full below).

In Rodriguez de Quijas v. Shearson/American Express, Inc. 490 U.S. 477 (1989) (see below), SCOTUS stated,

If a precedent of this Court has direct application in a case, yet appears to rest on reasons rejected in some other line of decisions, the Court of Appeals should follow the case which directly controls, leaving to this Court the prerogative of overruling its own decisions.

The dissenting opinion in that case also noted:

The Court of Appeals refused to follow Wilko v. Swan, 346 U.S. 427 (1953), a controlling precedent of this Court. As the majority correctly acknowledges, ante, at 484, the Court of Appeals therefore engaged in an indefensible brand of judicial activism.

The District Court order specifically enjoins Alabama Probate Judge Don Davis from complying with the Alabama constitution.

Judge Moore's rationale:

http://www.wnd.com/2015/02/judge-roy-moore-the-law-is-very-clear/

Moore told WND that confusion will reign in the state because of Monday’s decision until a final ruling from the Supreme Court.

“They did not rule on the merits. Nobody interpreted the Constitution,” he said.

His memo to the state’s probate judges, supported by legal citations, said a U.S. district judge’s decision “has no authority over probate judges.”

For one thing, previous court precedent has made that clear, he said.

Further, the probate judges were not part of the case before Granade, so she would not have authority to bind them to her decision, he has argued, citing the federal court’s rules of procedure.

“I’ve given my guidance [to state judiciary members],” he said. “The law is very clear.”

“Under the concept of dual sovereignty, no federal judge … can demand state a state should follow their ruling. They’re free [to order that in their case] but outside their case, it’s not binding.”

Moore has said throughout the dispute that his job is to operate the Alabama judiciary, and that’s the reason for his legal explanation and orders to judges.

That same-sex weddings were taking place in Alabama despite the constitutional and legal questions wasn’t even a precedent. Same-sex ceremonies were taking place in California and Colorado at a time when there was a constitutional ban.

Moore has explained that the case already was in the state courts, which decided against homosexual marriage. And said there is a precedent that federal district judges cannot impose their rulings on state courts, who, he said, have an equal right to interpret the U.S. Constitution.

In his order, Moore noted he has a responsibility to manage the judicial department’s affairs, and, as he wrote in a letter and memorandum Feb. 2, “Probate judges of Alabama are not bound by the orders of January 23, 2015, and January 28, 2015, in the case of Searcy v. Strange.

“Pursuant to Rule 65 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, the aforementioned orders bind only the Alabama attorney general and do not bind the probate judges of Alabama who, as members of the judicial branch, neither act as agents or employees of the attorney general nor in concert or participation with him.”

The attorney general, Moore noted, has no authority to issue marriage licenses.

“Should any probate judge of this state fail to follow the Constitution and the statutes of Alabama as stated, it would be the responsibility of the chief executive officer of the state of Alabama, Gov. Robert Bentley, in whom the Constitution vests ‘the supreme executive power of this state,’ … to ensure the execution of the law.”

The Alabama constitutional amendment:

http://alisondb.legislature.state.al.us/alison/codeofalabama/constitution/1901/CA-1470311.htm

AMENDMENT 774 RATIFIED

Sanctity of Marriage Amendment.

(a) This amendment shall be known and may be cited as the Sanctity of Marriage Amendment.

(b) Marriage is inherently a unique relationship between a man and a woman. As a matter of public policy, this state has a special interest in encouraging, supporting, and protecting this unique relationship in order to promote, among other goals, the stability and welfare of society and its children. A marriage contracted between individuals of the same sex is invalid in this state.

(c) Marriage is a sacred covenant, solemnized between a man and a woman, which, when the legal capacity and consent of both parties is present, establishes their relationship as husband and wife, and which is recognized by the state as a civil contract.

(d) No marriage license shall be issued in the State of Alabama to parties of the same sex.

(e) The State of Alabama shall not recognize as valid any marriage of parties of the same sex that occurred or was alleged to have occurred as a result of the law of any jurisdiction regardless of whether a marriage license was issued.

(f) The State of Alabama shall not recognize as valid any common law marriage of parties of the same sex.

(g) A union replicating marriage of or between persons of the same sex in the State of Alabama or in any other jurisdiction shall be considered and treated in all respects as having no legal force or effect in this state and shall not be recognized by this state as a marriage or other union replicating marriage.

The case of Searcy v. Strange (2015)

A prior cited case is Searcy v Strange, ALSD 14-cv-00208, Doc 53 (01-23-2015) MEMORANDUM OPINION and ORDER.

At 4: "Alabama Attorney General, Luther Strange, contends that Baker v. Nelson, 409 U.S. 810, 93 S.Ct. 37, 34 L.Ed.2d 65 (1972), is controlling in this case."

At 5: "Although the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals has not yet determined the issue, several federal courts of appeals that have considered Baker's impact in the wake of Lawrence and Windsor have concluded that Baker does not bar a federal court from considering the constitutionality of a state's ban on same-sex marriage."

Note that the District Court cites the absence of 11th Circuit support, and finds that the existing Supreme Court precedent in Baker does not apply, finding it somehow swept aside by Lawrence and Windsor.

The case of Baker v. Nelson (1972)

Baker v. Nelson, 409 U.S. 810 (1972)

http://www.dorfonlaw.org/2012/08/the-status-of-baker-v-nelson-and.html

In Baker the [U.S. Supreme] Court summarily affirmed a Minnesota Supreme Court decision rejecting a right to same-sex marriage. Summary affirmance means that the Court did not bother to hear oral argument or write an opinion. That result was hardly surprising. It was 1972, after all, when the American Psychiatric still classified homosexuality as a mental disorder.

While it may be that Baker will be overturned, it hasn't been. Not yet. So, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the below opinion from the Minnesota Supreme Court.

Baker v. Nelson as affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court

Baker v Nelson, 191 NW 2d 185, 291 Minn. 310 (15 Oct 1971), OPINION en banc

At 310-315 of 291 Minnesota Reports.

[Footnotes converted to endnotes, emphasis added.]

RICHARD JOHN BAKER AND ANOTHER v.
GERALD R. NELSON.

191 N. W. (2d) 185.

October 15, 1971-No. 43009.

Marriage-statute prohibiting same-sex marriage-constitutionality. Minn. St. c. 517, which prohibits the marriage of persons of the same sex, does not offend the First, Eighth, Ninth, or Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution.

Mandamus in the Hennepin County District Court to compel the clerk of said court to issue a marriage license to petitioners, Richard John Baker and James Michael McConnell. The court, Tom Bergin, Judge, ordered the alternative writ quashed and ordered said clerk not to issue the license, and petitioners appealed from said orders. Affirmed.

R. Michael Wetherbee, for appellants.

George M. Scott, County Attorney, and David E. Mikkelson Assistant County Attorney, for respondent.

Heard and considered en banc

PETERSON, JUSTICE.

The questions for decision are whether a marriage of two persons of the same sex is authorized by state statutes and, if not, whether state authorization is constitutionally compelled. Petitioners, Richard John Baker and James Michael McConnell, both adult male persons, made application to respondent, Gerald R. Nelson, clerk of Hennepin County District Court, for a marriage license, pursuant to Minn. St. 517.08. Respondent declined to issue the license on the sole ground that petitioners were of the same sex, it being undisputed that there were otherwise no statutory impediments to a heterosexual marriage by either petitioner.

The trial court, quashing an alternative writ of mandamus, ruled that respondent was not required to issue a marriage license to petitioners and specifically directed that a marriage license not be issued to them. This appeal is from those orders.

We affirm.

1. Petitioners contend, first, that the absence of an express statutory prohibition against same-sex marriages evinces a legislative intent to authorize such marriages. We think, however, that a sensible reading of the statute discloses a contrary intent. Minn. St. c. 517, which governs "marriage," employs that term as one of common usage, meaning the state of union between persons of the opposite sex. [1] It is unrealistic to think that the original draftsmen of our marriage statutes, which date from territorial days, would have used the term in any different sense. The term is of contemporary significance as well, for the present statute is replete with words of heterosexual import such as "husband and wife" and "bride and groom" (the latter words inserted by L. 1969, c. 1145, § 3, subd. 3).

We hold, therefore, that Minn. St. c. 517 does not authorize marriage between persons of the same sex and that such marriages are accordingly prohibited.

2. Petitioners contend, second, that Minn. St. c. 517, so interpreted, is unconstitutional. There is a dual aspect to this contention: The prohibition of a same-sex marriage denies petitioners a fundamental right guaranteed by the Ninth Amendment to the United States Constitution, arguably made applicable to the states by the Fourteenth Amendment, and petitioners are deprived of liberty and property without due process and are denied the equal protection of the laws, both guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. [2]

These constitutional challenges have in common the assertion that the right to marry without regard to the sex of the parties is a fundamental right of all persons and that restricting marriage to only couples of the opposite sex is irrational and invidiously discriminatory. We are not independently persuaded by these contentions and do not find support for them in any decisions of the United States Supreme Court.

The institution of marriage as a union of man and woman, uniquely involving the procreation and rearing of children within a family, is as old as the book of Genesis. Skinner v. Oklahoma ex rel. Williamson, 316 U. S. 535, 541, 62 S. Ct. 1110, 1113, 86 L. ed.1655, 1660 (1942), which invalidated Oklahoma's Habitual Criminal Sterilization Act on equal protection grounds, stated in part: "Marriage and procreation are fundamental to the very existence and survival of the race." This historic institution manifestly is more deeply founded than the asserted contemporary concept of marriage and societal interests for which petitioners contend. The due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment is not a charter for restructuring it by judicial legislation.

Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U. S. 479, 85 S. Ct. 1678, 14 L. ed. 2d 510 (1965), upon which petitioners rely, does not support a contrary conclusion. A Connecticut criminal statute prohibiting the use of contraceptives by married couples was held invalid, as violating the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The basic premise of that decision, however, was that the state, having authorized marriage, was without power to intrude upon the right of privacy inherent in the marital relationship. Mr. Justice Douglas, author of the majority opinion, wrote that this criminal statute "operates directly on an intimate relation of husband and wife," 381 U. S. 482, 85 S. Ct. 1680, 14 L. ed. 2d 513, and that the very idea of its enforcement by police search of "the sacred precincts of marital bedrooms for telltale signs of the use of contraceptives * * * is repulsive to the notions of privacy surrounding the marriage relationship," 381 U. S. 485, 85 S. Ct. 1682, 14 L. ed. 2d 516. In a separate opinion for three justices, Mr. Justice Goldberg similarly abhorred this state disruption of "the traditional relation of the family-a relation as old and as fundamental as our entire civilization." 381 U. S. 496, 85 S. Ct. 1688, 14 L. ed. 2d 522. [3]

The equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, like the due process clause, is not offended by the state's classification of persons authorized to marry. There is no irrational or invidious discrimination. Petitioners note that the state does not impose upon heterosexual married couples a condition that they have a proved capacity or declared willingness to procreate, posing a rhetorical demand that this court must read such condition into the statute if same-sex marriages are to be prohibited. Even assuming that such a condition would be neither unrealistic nor offensive under the Griswold rationale, the classification is no more than theoretically imperfect. We are reminded, however, that "abstract symmetry" is not demanded by the Fourteenth Amendment. [4]

Loving v. Virginia, 388 U. S. 1, 87 S. Ct. 1817, 18 L. ed. 2d 1010 (1967), upon which petitioners additionally rely, does not militate against this conclusion. Virginia's antimiscegenation statute, prohibiting interracial marriages, was invalidated solely on the grounds of its patent racial discrimination. As Mr. Chief Justice Warren wrote for the court (388 U. S. 12, 87 S. Ct. 1824, 18 L. ed. 2d 1018) :

"Marriage is one of the 'basic civil rights of man,' fundamental to our very existence and survival. Skinner v. Oklahoma, 316 U. S. 535, 541 (1942). See also Maynard v. Hill, 125 U. S. 190 (1888). To deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a basis as the racial classifications embodied in these statutes, classifications so directly subversive of the principle of equality at the heart of the Fourteenth Amendment, is surely to deprive all the State's citizens of liberty without due process of law. The Fourteenth Amendment requires that the freedom of choice to marry not be restricted by invidious racial discriminations." [5]

Loving does indicate that not all state restrictions upon the right to marry are beyond reach of the Fourteenth Amendment. But in commonsense and in a constitutional sense, there is a clear distinction between a marital restriction based merely upon race and one based upon the fundamental difference in sex. We hold, therefore, that Minn. St. c. 517 does not offend the First, Eighth, Ninth, or Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution.

Affirmed.

__________

[1] Webster's Third New International Dictionary (1966) p. 1384 gives this primary meaning to marriage: "1 a: the state of being united to a person of the opposite sex as husband or wife."

Black, Law Dictionary (4 ed.) p. 1123 states this definition: "Marriage * * * is the civil status, condition, or relation of one man and one woman united in law for life, for the discharge to each other and the community of the duties legally incumbent on those whose association is founded on the distinction of sex."

[2] We dismiss without discussion petitioners' additional contentions that the statute contravenes the First Amendment and Eighth Amendment of the United States Constitution.

[3] The difference between the majority opinion of Mr. Justice Douglas and the concurring opinion of Mr. Justice Goldberg was that the latter wrote extensively concerning this right of marital privacy as one preserved to the individual by the Ninth Amendment. He stopped short, however, of an implication that the Ninth Amendment was made applicable against the states by the Fourteenth Amendment.

[4] See, Patsone v. Pennsylvania, 232 U. S. 138, 144, 34 S. Ct. 281, 282, 58 L. ed. 539, 543 (1914). As stated in Tigner v. Texas, 310 U. S. 141, 147, 60 S. Ct. 879, 882, 84 L. ed. 1124, 1128, 130 A. L. R. 1321, 1324 (1940), and reiterated in Skinner v. Oklahoma ex rel. Williamson, 316 U. S. 535, 540, 62 S. Ct. 1110, 1113, 86 L. ed. 1655, 1659, "[t]he Constitution does not require things which are different in fact or opinion to be treated in law as though they were the same."

[5] See, also, McLaughlin v. Florida, 379 U. S. 184, 85 S. Ct. 283, 13 L. ed. 2d 222 (19(34), in which the United States Supreme Court, for precisely the same reason of classification based only upon race, struck down a Florida criminal statute which proscribed and punished habitual cohabitation only if one of an unmarried couple was white and the other black.

The Searcy case.

Searcy at 4-6:

Alabama’s Attorney General, Luther Strange, contends that Baker v. Nelson, 409 U.S. 810, 93 S.Ct. 37, 34 L.Ed.2d 65 (1972), is controlling in this case. In Baker, the United States Supreme Court summarily dismissed “for want of substantial federal question” an appeal from the Minnesota Supreme Court, which upheld a ban on same-sex marriage. Baker v. Nelson, 291 Minn. 310, 191 N.W.2d 185 (Minn.1971), appeal dismissed, 409 U.S. 810, 93 S.Ct. 37, 34 L.Ed.2d 65 (1972). The Minnesota Supreme Court held that a state statute defining marriage as a union between persons of the opposite sex did not violate the First, Eighth, Ninth, or Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution. Baker, 191 N.W.2d at 185–86. However, Supreme Court decisions since Baker reflect significant “doctrinal developments” concerning the constitutionality of prohibiting same-sex relationships. See Kitchen v. Herbert, 755 F.3d 1193, 1204–05 (10th Cir. 2014). As the Tenth Circuit noted in Kitchen, “[t]wo landmark decisions by the Supreme Court”, Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558, 123 S.Ct. 2472, 156 L.Ed.2d 508 (2003), and United States v. Windsor, 133 S.Ct. 2675, 186 L.Ed.2d 808 (2013), “have undermined the notion that the question presented in Baker is insubstantial.” 755 F.3d at 1205. Lawrence held that the government could not lawfully “demean [homosexuals'] existence or control their destiny by making their private sexual conduct a crime.” Lawrence, 539 U.S. at 574, 123 S.Ct. 2472. In Windsor, the Supreme Court struck down the federal definition of marriage as being between a man and a woman because, when applied to legally married same-sex couples, it “demean[ed] the couple, whose moral and sexual choices the Constitution protects.” Windsor, 133 S.Ct. at 2694. In doing so, the Supreme Court affirmed the decision of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, which expressly held that Baker did not foreclose review of the federal marriage definition. Windsor v. United States, 699 F.3d 169, 178–80 (2d Cir.2012) (“Even if Baker might have had resonance ... in 1971, it does not today.”).

Although the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals has not yet determined the issue, several federal courts of appeals that have considered Baker's impact in the wake of Lawrence and Windsor have concluded that Baker does not bar a federal court from considering the constitutionality of a state's ban on same-sex marriage. See, e.g., Bishop v. Smith, 760 F.3d 1070 (10th Cir. 2014); Kitchen, 755 F.3d 1193 (10th Cir.2014); Latta v. Otter, 771 F.3d 456 (9th Cir. 2014); Baskin v. Bogan, 766 F.3d 648 (7th Cir. 2014); Bostic v. Schaefer, 760 F.3d 352 (4th Cir. 2014). Numerous lower federal courts also have questioned whether Baker serves as binding precedent following the Supreme Court's decision in Windsor. This Court has the benefit of reviewing the decisions of all of these other courts. “[A] significant majority of courts have found that Baker is no longer controlling in light of the doctrinal developments of the last 40 years.” Jernigan v. Crane, 2014 WL 6685391, *13 (E.D. Ark. 2014) (citing Rosenbrahn v. Daugaard, 2014 WL 6386903, at *6–7 n. 5 (D.S.D. Nov.14, 2014) (collecting cases that have called Baker into doubt)). The Court notes that the Sixth Circuit recently concluded that Baker is still binding precedent in DeBoer v. Snyder, 772 F.3d 388 (6th Cir. 2014), but finds the reasoning of the Fourth, Seventh, Ninth, and Tenth Circuits to be more persuasive on the question and concludes that Baker does not preclude consideration of the questions presented herein. Thus, the Court first addresses the merits of Plaintiffs’ Due Process and Equal Protection claims, as those claims provide the most appropriate analytical framework. And if equal protection analysis decides this case, there is no need to address the Full Faith and Credit claim.

Rodriguez de Quijas v. Shearson/American Express, Inc.

Rodriguez de Quijas v. Shearson/American Express, Inc. 490 U.S. 477 (1989),

The Court at 490 U.S. 477, 494:

If a precedent of this Court has direct application in a case, yet appears to rest on reasons rejected in some other line of decisions, the Court of Appeals should follow the case which directly controls, leaving to this Court the prerogative of overruling its own decisions.

The Court at 490 U.S. 477, 485:

"The general rule of long standing is that the law announced in the Court's decision controls the case at bar. See, e. g., Saint Francis College v. Al-Khazraji, 481 U.S. 604, 608 (1987); United States v. Schooner Peggy, 1 Cranch 103, 109 (1801)."

The Dissent in part and Concurrence in part at 490 U.S. 477, 486:

JUSTICE STEVENS, with whom JUSTICE BRENNAN, JUSTICE MARSHALL, and JUSTICE BLACKMUN join, dissenting.

The Court of Appeals refused to follow Wilko v. Swan, 346 U.S. 427 (1953), a controlling precedent of this Court. As the majority correctly acknowledges, ante, at 484, the Court of Appeals therefore engaged in an indefensible brand of judicial activism. [1] We, of course, are not subject to the same restraint when asked to upset one of our own precedents. But when our earlier opinion gives a statutory provision concrete meaning, which Congress elects not to amend during the ensuing 3 1/2 decades, our duty to respect Congress' work product is strikingly similar to the duty of other federal courts to respect our work product.

The cases cited in Searcy undermine the holding in Baker and provide a reason to challenge it. Baker is directly on point and they are not. They do not overturn the holding in Baker.

Baker has not been overturned and Rodriguez de Quijas is still there with the U.S. Supreme Court saying the "Court of Appeals should follow the case which directly controls, leaving to this Court the prerogative of overruling its own decisions."

nolu chan  posted on  2015-03-04   14:07:14 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


#12. To: nolu chan (#8)

“Pursuant to Rule 65 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, the aforementioned orders bind only the Alabama attorney general and do not bind the probate judges of Alabama who, as members of the judicial branch, neither act as agents or employees of the attorney general nor in concert or participation with him.”

The attorney general, Moore noted, has no authority to issue marriage licenses.

“Should any probate judge of this state fail to follow the Constitution and the statutes of Alabama as stated, it would be the responsibility of the chief executive officer of the state of Alabama, Gov. Robert Bentley, in whom the Constitution vests ‘the supreme executive power of this state,’ … to ensure the execution of the law.”

Thanks, great research.

Have to give Alabama credit. I guess the next time a homosexual couple wants to sue the state for a state law they have to sue the entire government instead of just name the Attorney General.

redleghunter  posted on  2015-03-04   15:46:24 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


Replies to Comment # 12.

#16. To: redleghunter, nolu chan, All (#12)

Have to give Alabama credit. I guess the next time a homosexual couple wants to sue the state for a state law they have to sue the entire government instead of just name the Attorney General.

It's about time that states and local governments start playing hardball with the Fed. I am all in favor of pushing this resistance to the legal limit all the way until the line breaks. The name of the game is Civil Disobedience for which there is ample, including recent, successful examples thereof.

SOSO  posted on  2015-03-04 17:14:56 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


End Trace Mode for Comment # 12.

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