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United States News
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Title: Alabama Supreme Court orders halt to same-sex marriages
Source: [None]
URL Source: http://www.al.com/news/index.ssf/20 ... ma_supreme_court_orders_h.html
Published: Mar 3, 2015
Author: Kyle Whitmire
Post Date: 2015-03-03 22:39:44 by A K A Stone
Keywords: None
Views: 1302
Comments: 17

Weeks after a United States District Court judge in Mobile ordered a probate judge there to issue same-sex marriage licenses, the Alabama Supreme Court has ordered a halt to same-sex marriages in the state.

"As it has done for approximately two centuries, Alabama law allows for 'marriage' between only one man and one woman," the order said. "Alabama probate judges have a ministerial duty not to issue any marriage license contrary to this law. Nothing in the United States Constitution alters or overrides this duty."

While same-sex marriage advocates chanted "love wins" outside Alabama courthouses last month, the Alabama Supreme Court said love has little to do with legal marriage in the state.

"This notion has broad public appeal and is, perhaps, the mantra most repeated in public discussions of this matter," the court wrote. "But although love may be an important factor in a lasting marriage, civil marriage has no public interest in whether the people seeking a marriage license love one another."

The order, called a writ of mandamus, had been requested by the Alabama Policy Institute and the Alabama Citizens Action Program last month.

In a statement after the ruling, lawyers from Liberty Counsel, which represented the plaintiffs, applauded the decision and blasted the federal judge who ruled in favor of same-sex marriages in Mobile.

"The ruling represents a significant shift of momentum in the same-sex marriage agenda, and is a direct challenge to the orders of U.S. District Court Judge Callie Granade, who in January purported to overturn Alabama's marriage laws," the firm said in a statement released Tuesday night. "The ruling of the Alabama Supreme Court offers the most forceful and clearly articulated rebuttal to date of the imaginative arguments for same-sex 'marriage' employed by federal courts."

Alabama Supreme Court Chief Justice Roy Moore has been a vocal opponent of same-sex marriage in the media in the last month. However, he is not listed among the concurring or dissenting judges and appears to have recused himself from the case.

The court seemed to chide Alabama Attorney General Luther Strange for not taking a more active role in enforcing state law.

"In the wake of the federal district court's orders, Attorney General Strange has refrained from fulfilling what would otherwise have been his customary role of providing advice and guidance to public officials, including probate judges, as to whether or how their duties under the law may have been altered by the federal district court's decision," the court wrote.

The order gives probate judges five days to submit responses if they want to show cause why they should be able to grant marriage licenses to same-sex couples.

The order also gives Mobile County Probate Judge Don Davis until Thursday to argue why he should not be bound by the order. Davis has asked the court to dismiss him from the lawsuit because he had been ordered by the federal district court to issue licenses to same-sex couples.

Only Justice Greg Shaw dissented from the order, but he made clear that he did so because he thought the case had been filed incorrectly and the court did not yet have jurisdiction to hear it. In his dissent, Shaw argued that the federal court should have issued a stay against same-sex marriages until the U.S. Supreme Court had settled the matter.

"Such a drastic change in Alabama law warranted the granting of a stay," he wrote. "The lack of a stay has resulted in much unnecessary confusion and costly litigation. Because I do not believe the case before this Court is properly filed, I cannot, at this time, express my opinion as to whether the federal court's decision was correct."

David Kennedy, one of the lawyers who represented the Mobile couple who successfully challenged Alabama's same-sex marriage ban, said he does not think the ruling would survive a challenge in federal court.

"I don't really think that they can do that. I'm not surprised, but I'm somewhat appalled," he said. "The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that the stay (on the order striking down the gay marriage ban) would expire on Feb. 9. On Feb. 9, same-sex marriage effectively became legal in Alabama."

Kennedy said he does not anticipate taking action on behalf of any of the clients he represented in Mobile, because all of those couples have obtained marriage licenses.

"These people are married," he said. "There's nothing the Alabama Supreme Court can do to overturn that."

But Kennedy said he believes that probate judges act "at their own peril" if they choose to obey state courts instead of federal court. He said any couple denied a marriage license could sue in the federal district where they live.

He said the outcome should be clear.

"Whenever state law conflicts with federal law, federal law wins," he said.

"The state is going to take such a black eye on this," said University of Alabama Law Professor Ron Krotoszynski, Jr.. "I think it's going to play very badly in the national media," he said, citing shows like Bill Maher, John Oliver and The Daily Show with Jon Stewart.

"They're rejecting Judge Granade's reasoning lock stock and barrel," Krotoszynski said.

Granade's reasoning is in line with more than 60 federal district judges who have ruled on the same issue since the U.S. Supreme Court knocked down a port of the federal Defense of Marriage Act (or DOMA) in 2013, Krotoszynski said.

The next likely step is for one of the probate judges to file an emergency stay with the U.S. Supreme Court, Krotoszynski said. The situation could be "chaotic" between now and June when the U.S. Supreme Court is to rule on the issue anyway in a 6th Circuit case, he said.

Probate Judge Davis in Mobile could be in the worst position if the Alabama Supreme Court brings him under their order, which it appears they are inclined to do, Krotoszynski said. "He is between a rock and a hard place," he said.

The Human Rights campaign blasted the ruling, which it called meandering and bizarre.

"The Alabama state Supreme Court does not have the authority to interfere with a federal court order," said HRC Legal Director Sarah Warbelow. "This order is outrageous and baffling, and no amount of legalese can hide the bare animus that forms the foundation of this extralegal ruling."

Reporters Brendan Kirby and Kent Faulk contributed to this story.

Post Comment   Private Reply   Ignore Thread  


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#1. To: A K A Stone, All (#0)

Weeks after a United States District Court judge in Mobile ordered a probate judge there to issue same-sex marriage licenses, the Alabama Supreme Court has ordered a halt to same-sex marriages in the state.

"As it has done for approximately two centuries, Alabama law allows for 'marriage' between only one man and one woman," the order said. "Alabama probate judges have a ministerial duty not to issue any marriage license contrary to this law. Nothing in the United States Constitution alters or overrides this duty."

Good for him. Too bad he will lose in the end as SCOTUS will prevail. Of course Alabama could then engage in a bit of civil disobedience and dare the Fed to force compliance. Frankly I would love to see that happen. I am not sure that the Fed would prevail in beating down the state.

потому что Бог хочет это тот путь

SOSO  posted on  2015-03-03   22:55:51 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#2. To: SOSO (#1)

They should just pass a law that anyone who says gay marriage gets their tongue cut out. That would work. If they type it they get their fingers cut off.

A K A Stone  posted on  2015-03-03   22:58:32 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#3. To: A K A Stone (#2)

They should just pass a law that anyone who says gay marriage gets their tongue cut out. That would work. If they type it they get their fingers cut off.

Ah, you are for Sharia Law in the U.S., I would not have thought it.

потому что Бог хочет это тот путь

SOSO  posted on  2015-03-03   23:02:04 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#4. To: SOSO (#3)

Ah, you are for Sharia Law in the U.S., I would not have thought it.

Oh I didn't tell you I wasn't serious. You have no sense of humor. Ha Ha Ha.

A K A Stone  posted on  2015-03-03   23:09:01 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#5. To: SOSO (#1)

Even though I think they will be overturned on the stay, I like this courts moxy.

"Now godliness with contentment is great gain. For we brought nothing into this world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out." (1 Timothy 6:6-7)

redleghunter  posted on  2015-03-03   23:28:51 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#6. To: A K A Stone (#4)

You have no sense of humor. Ha Ha Ha.

Why are you laughing at my lack of sense of humor:)

потому что Бог хочет это тот путь

SOSO  posted on  2015-03-03   23:57:39 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#7. To: A K A Stone (#0)

David Kennedy, one of the lawyers who represented the Mobile couple who successfully challenged Alabama's same-sex marriage ban, said he does not think the ruling would survive a challenge in federal court.

Kennedy needs to read Article Ten of the Bill of Rghts.

BobCeleste  posted on  2015-03-04   12:03:28 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#8. To: A K A Stone (#0)

The order also gives Mobile County Probate Judge Don Davis until Thursday to argue why he should not be bound by the order. Davis has asked the court to dismiss him from the lawsuit because he had been ordered by the federal district court to issue licenses to same-sex couples.

Only Justice Greg Shaw dissented from the order, but he made clear that he did so because he thought the case had been filed incorrectly and the court did not yet have jurisdiction to hear it. In his dissent, Shaw argued that the federal court should have issued a stay against same-sex marriages until the U.S. Supreme Court had settled the matter.

"Such a drastic change in Alabama law warranted the granting of a stay," he wrote. "The lack of a stay has resulted in much unnecessary confusion and costly litigation. Because I do not believe the case before this Court is properly filed, I cannot, at this time, express my opinion as to whether the federal court's decision was correct."

The analysis is not so simple as Alabama defying the U.S. Federal Court. There is real precedent, shown below, relied upon by Judge Moore and the Alabama Supreme Court. (Judge Moore recused himself from the instant case.)

Strawser v Strange, ALSD 14-cv-00424, Doc 55 (02-12-2015) ORDER at 7:

Accordingly, the Court once again makes the following declaration:

It is ORDERED and DECLARED that ALA. CONST. ART. I, § 36.03 (2006) and ALA. CODE 1975 § 30-1-19 are unconstitutional because they violate the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Probate Judge Don Davis is hereby ENJOINED from refusing to issue marriage licenses to plaintiffs due to the Alabama laws which prohibit same-sex marriage. If Plaintiffs take all steps that are required in the normal course of business as a prerequisite to issuing a marriage license to opposite-sex couples, Judge Davis may not deny them a license on the ground that Plaintiffs constitute same-sex couples or because it is prohibited by the Sanctity of Marriage Amendment and the Alabama Marriage Protection Act or by any other Alabama law or Order pertaining to same-sex marriage. This injunction binds Judge Don Davis and all his officers, agents, servants and employees, and others in active concert or participation with any of them, who would seek to enforce the marriage laws of Alabama which prohibit or fail to recognize same-sex marriage.

DONE and ORDERED this 12th day of February, 2015.
/s/ Callie V. S. Granade
UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE

There is standing U.S. Supreme Court precedent affirming a 1971 Minnesota Supreme Court opinion a ban on same-sex marriage. See Baker v Nelson, 191 NW 2d 185, 291 Minn. 310 (15 Oct 1971), OPINION en banc (quoted in full below).

In Rodriguez de Quijas v. Shearson/American Express, Inc. 490 U.S. 477 (1989) (see below), SCOTUS stated,

If a precedent of this Court has direct application in a case, yet appears to rest on reasons rejected in some other line of decisions, the Court of Appeals should follow the case which directly controls, leaving to this Court the prerogative of overruling its own decisions.

The dissenting opinion in that case also noted:

The Court of Appeals refused to follow Wilko v. Swan, 346 U.S. 427 (1953), a controlling precedent of this Court. As the majority correctly acknowledges, ante, at 484, the Court of Appeals therefore engaged in an indefensible brand of judicial activism.

The District Court order specifically enjoins Alabama Probate Judge Don Davis from complying with the Alabama constitution.

Judge Moore's rationale:

http://www.wnd.com/2015/02/judge-roy-moore-the-law-is-very-clear/

Moore told WND that confusion will reign in the state because of Monday’s decision until a final ruling from the Supreme Court.

“They did not rule on the merits. Nobody interpreted the Constitution,” he said.

His memo to the state’s probate judges, supported by legal citations, said a U.S. district judge’s decision “has no authority over probate judges.”

For one thing, previous court precedent has made that clear, he said.

Further, the probate judges were not part of the case before Granade, so she would not have authority to bind them to her decision, he has argued, citing the federal court’s rules of procedure.

“I’ve given my guidance [to state judiciary members],” he said. “The law is very clear.”

“Under the concept of dual sovereignty, no federal judge … can demand state a state should follow their ruling. They’re free [to order that in their case] but outside their case, it’s not binding.”

Moore has said throughout the dispute that his job is to operate the Alabama judiciary, and that’s the reason for his legal explanation and orders to judges.

That same-sex weddings were taking place in Alabama despite the constitutional and legal questions wasn’t even a precedent. Same-sex ceremonies were taking place in California and Colorado at a time when there was a constitutional ban.

Moore has explained that the case already was in the state courts, which decided against homosexual marriage. And said there is a precedent that federal district judges cannot impose their rulings on state courts, who, he said, have an equal right to interpret the U.S. Constitution.

In his order, Moore noted he has a responsibility to manage the judicial department’s affairs, and, as he wrote in a letter and memorandum Feb. 2, “Probate judges of Alabama are not bound by the orders of January 23, 2015, and January 28, 2015, in the case of Searcy v. Strange.

“Pursuant to Rule 65 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, the aforementioned orders bind only the Alabama attorney general and do not bind the probate judges of Alabama who, as members of the judicial branch, neither act as agents or employees of the attorney general nor in concert or participation with him.”

The attorney general, Moore noted, has no authority to issue marriage licenses.

“Should any probate judge of this state fail to follow the Constitution and the statutes of Alabama as stated, it would be the responsibility of the chief executive officer of the state of Alabama, Gov. Robert Bentley, in whom the Constitution vests ‘the supreme executive power of this state,’ … to ensure the execution of the law.”

The Alabama constitutional amendment:

http://alisondb.legislature.state.al.us/alison/codeofalabama/constitution/1901/CA-1470311.htm

AMENDMENT 774 RATIFIED

Sanctity of Marriage Amendment.

(a) This amendment shall be known and may be cited as the Sanctity of Marriage Amendment.

(b) Marriage is inherently a unique relationship between a man and a woman. As a matter of public policy, this state has a special interest in encouraging, supporting, and protecting this unique relationship in order to promote, among other goals, the stability and welfare of society and its children. A marriage contracted between individuals of the same sex is invalid in this state.

(c) Marriage is a sacred covenant, solemnized between a man and a woman, which, when the legal capacity and consent of both parties is present, establishes their relationship as husband and wife, and which is recognized by the state as a civil contract.

(d) No marriage license shall be issued in the State of Alabama to parties of the same sex.

(e) The State of Alabama shall not recognize as valid any marriage of parties of the same sex that occurred or was alleged to have occurred as a result of the law of any jurisdiction regardless of whether a marriage license was issued.

(f) The State of Alabama shall not recognize as valid any common law marriage of parties of the same sex.

(g) A union replicating marriage of or between persons of the same sex in the State of Alabama or in any other jurisdiction shall be considered and treated in all respects as having no legal force or effect in this state and shall not be recognized by this state as a marriage or other union replicating marriage.

The case of Searcy v. Strange (2015)

A prior cited case is Searcy v Strange, ALSD 14-cv-00208, Doc 53 (01-23-2015) MEMORANDUM OPINION and ORDER.

At 4: "Alabama Attorney General, Luther Strange, contends that Baker v. Nelson, 409 U.S. 810, 93 S.Ct. 37, 34 L.Ed.2d 65 (1972), is controlling in this case."

At 5: "Although the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals has not yet determined the issue, several federal courts of appeals that have considered Baker's impact in the wake of Lawrence and Windsor have concluded that Baker does not bar a federal court from considering the constitutionality of a state's ban on same-sex marriage."

Note that the District Court cites the absence of 11th Circuit support, and finds that the existing Supreme Court precedent in Baker does not apply, finding it somehow swept aside by Lawrence and Windsor.

The case of Baker v. Nelson (1972)

Baker v. Nelson, 409 U.S. 810 (1972)

http://www.dorfonlaw.org/2012/08/the-status-of-baker-v-nelson-and.html

In Baker the [U.S. Supreme] Court summarily affirmed a Minnesota Supreme Court decision rejecting a right to same-sex marriage. Summary affirmance means that the Court did not bother to hear oral argument or write an opinion. That result was hardly surprising. It was 1972, after all, when the American Psychiatric still classified homosexuality as a mental disorder.

While it may be that Baker will be overturned, it hasn't been. Not yet. So, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the below opinion from the Minnesota Supreme Court.

Baker v. Nelson as affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court

Baker v Nelson, 191 NW 2d 185, 291 Minn. 310 (15 Oct 1971), OPINION en banc

At 310-315 of 291 Minnesota Reports.

[Footnotes converted to endnotes, emphasis added.]

RICHARD JOHN BAKER AND ANOTHER v.
GERALD R. NELSON.

191 N. W. (2d) 185.

October 15, 1971-No. 43009.

Marriage-statute prohibiting same-sex marriage-constitutionality. Minn. St. c. 517, which prohibits the marriage of persons of the same sex, does not offend the First, Eighth, Ninth, or Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution.

Mandamus in the Hennepin County District Court to compel the clerk of said court to issue a marriage license to petitioners, Richard John Baker and James Michael McConnell. The court, Tom Bergin, Judge, ordered the alternative writ quashed and ordered said clerk not to issue the license, and petitioners appealed from said orders. Affirmed.

R. Michael Wetherbee, for appellants.

George M. Scott, County Attorney, and David E. Mikkelson Assistant County Attorney, for respondent.

Heard and considered en banc

PETERSON, JUSTICE.

The questions for decision are whether a marriage of two persons of the same sex is authorized by state statutes and, if not, whether state authorization is constitutionally compelled. Petitioners, Richard John Baker and James Michael McConnell, both adult male persons, made application to respondent, Gerald R. Nelson, clerk of Hennepin County District Court, for a marriage license, pursuant to Minn. St. 517.08. Respondent declined to issue the license on the sole ground that petitioners were of the same sex, it being undisputed that there were otherwise no statutory impediments to a heterosexual marriage by either petitioner.

The trial court, quashing an alternative writ of mandamus, ruled that respondent was not required to issue a marriage license to petitioners and specifically directed that a marriage license not be issued to them. This appeal is from those orders.

We affirm.

1. Petitioners contend, first, that the absence of an express statutory prohibition against same-sex marriages evinces a legislative intent to authorize such marriages. We think, however, that a sensible reading of the statute discloses a contrary intent. Minn. St. c. 517, which governs "marriage," employs that term as one of common usage, meaning the state of union between persons of the opposite sex. [1] It is unrealistic to think that the original draftsmen of our marriage statutes, which date from territorial days, would have used the term in any different sense. The term is of contemporary significance as well, for the present statute is replete with words of heterosexual import such as "husband and wife" and "bride and groom" (the latter words inserted by L. 1969, c. 1145, § 3, subd. 3).

We hold, therefore, that Minn. St. c. 517 does not authorize marriage between persons of the same sex and that such marriages are accordingly prohibited.

2. Petitioners contend, second, that Minn. St. c. 517, so interpreted, is unconstitutional. There is a dual aspect to this contention: The prohibition of a same-sex marriage denies petitioners a fundamental right guaranteed by the Ninth Amendment to the United States Constitution, arguably made applicable to the states by the Fourteenth Amendment, and petitioners are deprived of liberty and property without due process and are denied the equal protection of the laws, both guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. [2]

These constitutional challenges have in common the assertion that the right to marry without regard to the sex of the parties is a fundamental right of all persons and that restricting marriage to only couples of the opposite sex is irrational and invidiously discriminatory. We are not independently persuaded by these contentions and do not find support for them in any decisions of the United States Supreme Court.

The institution of marriage as a union of man and woman, uniquely involving the procreation and rearing of children within a family, is as old as the book of Genesis. Skinner v. Oklahoma ex rel. Williamson, 316 U. S. 535, 541, 62 S. Ct. 1110, 1113, 86 L. ed.1655, 1660 (1942), which invalidated Oklahoma's Habitual Criminal Sterilization Act on equal protection grounds, stated in part: "Marriage and procreation are fundamental to the very existence and survival of the race." This historic institution manifestly is more deeply founded than the asserted contemporary concept of marriage and societal interests for which petitioners contend. The due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment is not a charter for restructuring it by judicial legislation.

Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U. S. 479, 85 S. Ct. 1678, 14 L. ed. 2d 510 (1965), upon which petitioners rely, does not support a contrary conclusion. A Connecticut criminal statute prohibiting the use of contraceptives by married couples was held invalid, as violating the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The basic premise of that decision, however, was that the state, having authorized marriage, was without power to intrude upon the right of privacy inherent in the marital relationship. Mr. Justice Douglas, author of the majority opinion, wrote that this criminal statute "operates directly on an intimate relation of husband and wife," 381 U. S. 482, 85 S. Ct. 1680, 14 L. ed. 2d 513, and that the very idea of its enforcement by police search of "the sacred precincts of marital bedrooms for telltale signs of the use of contraceptives * * * is repulsive to the notions of privacy surrounding the marriage relationship," 381 U. S. 485, 85 S. Ct. 1682, 14 L. ed. 2d 516. In a separate opinion for three justices, Mr. Justice Goldberg similarly abhorred this state disruption of "the traditional relation of the family-a relation as old and as fundamental as our entire civilization." 381 U. S. 496, 85 S. Ct. 1688, 14 L. ed. 2d 522. [3]

The equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, like the due process clause, is not offended by the state's classification of persons authorized to marry. There is no irrational or invidious discrimination. Petitioners note that the state does not impose upon heterosexual married couples a condition that they have a proved capacity or declared willingness to procreate, posing a rhetorical demand that this court must read such condition into the statute if same-sex marriages are to be prohibited. Even assuming that such a condition would be neither unrealistic nor offensive under the Griswold rationale, the classification is no more than theoretically imperfect. We are reminded, however, that "abstract symmetry" is not demanded by the Fourteenth Amendment. [4]

Loving v. Virginia, 388 U. S. 1, 87 S. Ct. 1817, 18 L. ed. 2d 1010 (1967), upon which petitioners additionally rely, does not militate against this conclusion. Virginia's antimiscegenation statute, prohibiting interracial marriages, was invalidated solely on the grounds of its patent racial discrimination. As Mr. Chief Justice Warren wrote for the court (388 U. S. 12, 87 S. Ct. 1824, 18 L. ed. 2d 1018) :

"Marriage is one of the 'basic civil rights of man,' fundamental to our very existence and survival. Skinner v. Oklahoma, 316 U. S. 535, 541 (1942). See also Maynard v. Hill, 125 U. S. 190 (1888). To deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a basis as the racial classifications embodied in these statutes, classifications so directly subversive of the principle of equality at the heart of the Fourteenth Amendment, is surely to deprive all the State's citizens of liberty without due process of law. The Fourteenth Amendment requires that the freedom of choice to marry not be restricted by invidious racial discriminations." [5]

Loving does indicate that not all state restrictions upon the right to marry are beyond reach of the Fourteenth Amendment. But in commonsense and in a constitutional sense, there is a clear distinction between a marital restriction based merely upon race and one based upon the fundamental difference in sex. We hold, therefore, that Minn. St. c. 517 does not offend the First, Eighth, Ninth, or Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution.

Affirmed.

__________

[1] Webster's Third New International Dictionary (1966) p. 1384 gives this primary meaning to marriage: "1 a: the state of being united to a person of the opposite sex as husband or wife."

Black, Law Dictionary (4 ed.) p. 1123 states this definition: "Marriage * * * is the civil status, condition, or relation of one man and one woman united in law for life, for the discharge to each other and the community of the duties legally incumbent on those whose association is founded on the distinction of sex."

[2] We dismiss without discussion petitioners' additional contentions that the statute contravenes the First Amendment and Eighth Amendment of the United States Constitution.

[3] The difference between the majority opinion of Mr. Justice Douglas and the concurring opinion of Mr. Justice Goldberg was that the latter wrote extensively concerning this right of marital privacy as one preserved to the individual by the Ninth Amendment. He stopped short, however, of an implication that the Ninth Amendment was made applicable against the states by the Fourteenth Amendment.

[4] See, Patsone v. Pennsylvania, 232 U. S. 138, 144, 34 S. Ct. 281, 282, 58 L. ed. 539, 543 (1914). As stated in Tigner v. Texas, 310 U. S. 141, 147, 60 S. Ct. 879, 882, 84 L. ed. 1124, 1128, 130 A. L. R. 1321, 1324 (1940), and reiterated in Skinner v. Oklahoma ex rel. Williamson, 316 U. S. 535, 540, 62 S. Ct. 1110, 1113, 86 L. ed. 1655, 1659, "[t]he Constitution does not require things which are different in fact or opinion to be treated in law as though they were the same."

[5] See, also, McLaughlin v. Florida, 379 U. S. 184, 85 S. Ct. 283, 13 L. ed. 2d 222 (19(34), in which the United States Supreme Court, for precisely the same reason of classification based only upon race, struck down a Florida criminal statute which proscribed and punished habitual cohabitation only if one of an unmarried couple was white and the other black.

The Searcy case.

Searcy at 4-6:

Alabama’s Attorney General, Luther Strange, contends that Baker v. Nelson, 409 U.S. 810, 93 S.Ct. 37, 34 L.Ed.2d 65 (1972), is controlling in this case. In Baker, the United States Supreme Court summarily dismissed “for want of substantial federal question” an appeal from the Minnesota Supreme Court, which upheld a ban on same-sex marriage. Baker v. Nelson, 291 Minn. 310, 191 N.W.2d 185 (Minn.1971), appeal dismissed, 409 U.S. 810, 93 S.Ct. 37, 34 L.Ed.2d 65 (1972). The Minnesota Supreme Court held that a state statute defining marriage as a union between persons of the opposite sex did not violate the First, Eighth, Ninth, or Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution. Baker, 191 N.W.2d at 185–86. However, Supreme Court decisions since Baker reflect significant “doctrinal developments” concerning the constitutionality of prohibiting same-sex relationships. See Kitchen v. Herbert, 755 F.3d 1193, 1204–05 (10th Cir. 2014). As the Tenth Circuit noted in Kitchen, “[t]wo landmark decisions by the Supreme Court”, Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558, 123 S.Ct. 2472, 156 L.Ed.2d 508 (2003), and United States v. Windsor, 133 S.Ct. 2675, 186 L.Ed.2d 808 (2013), “have undermined the notion that the question presented in Baker is insubstantial.” 755 F.3d at 1205. Lawrence held that the government could not lawfully “demean [homosexuals'] existence or control their destiny by making their private sexual conduct a crime.” Lawrence, 539 U.S. at 574, 123 S.Ct. 2472. In Windsor, the Supreme Court struck down the federal definition of marriage as being between a man and a woman because, when applied to legally married same-sex couples, it “demean[ed] the couple, whose moral and sexual choices the Constitution protects.” Windsor, 133 S.Ct. at 2694. In doing so, the Supreme Court affirmed the decision of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, which expressly held that Baker did not foreclose review of the federal marriage definition. Windsor v. United States, 699 F.3d 169, 178–80 (2d Cir.2012) (“Even if Baker might have had resonance ... in 1971, it does not today.”).

Although the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals has not yet determined the issue, several federal courts of appeals that have considered Baker's impact in the wake of Lawrence and Windsor have concluded that Baker does not bar a federal court from considering the constitutionality of a state's ban on same-sex marriage. See, e.g., Bishop v. Smith, 760 F.3d 1070 (10th Cir. 2014); Kitchen, 755 F.3d 1193 (10th Cir.2014); Latta v. Otter, 771 F.3d 456 (9th Cir. 2014); Baskin v. Bogan, 766 F.3d 648 (7th Cir. 2014); Bostic v. Schaefer, 760 F.3d 352 (4th Cir. 2014). Numerous lower federal courts also have questioned whether Baker serves as binding precedent following the Supreme Court's decision in Windsor. This Court has the benefit of reviewing the decisions of all of these other courts. “[A] significant majority of courts have found that Baker is no longer controlling in light of the doctrinal developments of the last 40 years.” Jernigan v. Crane, 2014 WL 6685391, *13 (E.D. Ark. 2014) (citing Rosenbrahn v. Daugaard, 2014 WL 6386903, at *6–7 n. 5 (D.S.D. Nov.14, 2014) (collecting cases that have called Baker into doubt)). The Court notes that the Sixth Circuit recently concluded that Baker is still binding precedent in DeBoer v. Snyder, 772 F.3d 388 (6th Cir. 2014), but finds the reasoning of the Fourth, Seventh, Ninth, and Tenth Circuits to be more persuasive on the question and concludes that Baker does not preclude consideration of the questions presented herein. Thus, the Court first addresses the merits of Plaintiffs’ Due Process and Equal Protection claims, as those claims provide the most appropriate analytical framework. And if equal protection analysis decides this case, there is no need to address the Full Faith and Credit claim.

Rodriguez de Quijas v. Shearson/American Express, Inc.

Rodriguez de Quijas v. Shearson/American Express, Inc. 490 U.S. 477 (1989),

The Court at 490 U.S. 477, 494:

If a precedent of this Court has direct application in a case, yet appears to rest on reasons rejected in some other line of decisions, the Court of Appeals should follow the case which directly controls, leaving to this Court the prerogative of overruling its own decisions.

The Court at 490 U.S. 477, 485:

"The general rule of long standing is that the law announced in the Court's decision controls the case at bar. See, e. g., Saint Francis College v. Al-Khazraji, 481 U.S. 604, 608 (1987); United States v. Schooner Peggy, 1 Cranch 103, 109 (1801)."

The Dissent in part and Concurrence in part at 490 U.S. 477, 486:

JUSTICE STEVENS, with whom JUSTICE BRENNAN, JUSTICE MARSHALL, and JUSTICE BLACKMUN join, dissenting.

The Court of Appeals refused to follow Wilko v. Swan, 346 U.S. 427 (1953), a controlling precedent of this Court. As the majority correctly acknowledges, ante, at 484, the Court of Appeals therefore engaged in an indefensible brand of judicial activism. [1] We, of course, are not subject to the same restraint when asked to upset one of our own precedents. But when our earlier opinion gives a statutory provision concrete meaning, which Congress elects not to amend during the ensuing 3 1/2 decades, our duty to respect Congress' work product is strikingly similar to the duty of other federal courts to respect our work product.

The cases cited in Searcy undermine the holding in Baker and provide a reason to challenge it. Baker is directly on point and they are not. They do not overturn the holding in Baker.

Baker has not been overturned and Rodriguez de Quijas is still there with the U.S. Supreme Court saying the "Court of Appeals should follow the case which directly controls, leaving to this Court the prerogative of overruling its own decisions."

nolu chan  posted on  2015-03-04   14:07:14 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#9. To: A K A Stone (#0)

"Whenever state law conflicts with federal law, federal law wins," he said.

What Federal law says that States must grant marriage licenses to Adam and Steve?

When was this law written?

nolu chan  posted on  2015-03-04   14:39:27 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#10. To: A K A Stone (#0)

Granade's reasoning is in line with more than 60 federal district judges who have ruled on the same issue since the U.S. Supreme Court knocked down a port of the federal Defense of Marriage Act (or DOMA) in 2013, Krotoszynski said.

Of course, that ignores that the U.S. Supreme Court ruled specifically on the issue of same-sex marriage in 1971 to summarily affirm the decision of the Minnesota Supreme Court in Baker v. Nelson, 191 NW 2d 185, 291 Minn. 310 (15 Oct 1971), OPINION en banc, which states in relevant part:

The institution of marriage as a union of man and woman, uniquely involving the procreation and rearing of children within a family, is as old as the book of Genesis. Skinner v. Oklahoma ex rel. Williamson, 316 U. S. 535, 541, 62 S. Ct. 1110, 1113, 86 L. ed.1655, 1660 (1942), which invalidated Oklahoma's Habitual Criminal Sterilization Act on equal protection grounds, stated in part: "Marriage and procreation are fundamental to the very existence and survival of the race." This historic institution manifestly is more deeply founded than the asserted contemporary concept of marriage and societal interests for which petitioners contend. The due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment is not a charter for restructuring it by judicial legislation.

And, in Rodriguez de Quijas v. Shearson/American Express, Inc. 490 U.S. 477, 494 (1989), the U.S. Supreme Court wrote:

If a precedent of this Court has direct application in a case, yet appears to rest on reasons rejected in some other line of decisions, the Court of Appeals should follow the case which directly controls, leaving to this Court the prerogative of overruling its own decisions.

60 Federal district court judges cannot overturn an on point U.S. Supreme Court precedent by citing off-point opinions. SCOTUS reserves to itself the authority to overturn its own decisions.

nolu chan  posted on  2015-03-04   14:54:15 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#11. To: BobCeleste, A K A Stone (#7)

[BobCeleste #7] Kennedy needs to read Article Ten of the Bill of Rghts.

I believe your sentiment is correct but SCOTUS has carved up the 10th Amendment until is it practically a dead letter. This was foretold in the correspondence of Thomas Jefferson.

As Antonin Scalia put it, "If you somehow adopt a philosophy that the Constitution itself is not static, but rather, it morphs from age to age to say whatever it ought to say — which is probably whatever the people would want it to say — you've eliminated the whole purpose of a constitution. And that's essentially what the 'living constitution' leaves you with...."

The Constitution is a static, enduring document, not a living document whose meaning morphs with the times. A "living Constitution" can mean whatever someone wants it to say. It can be made to say the exact opposite of what was ratified by the people.

As Thomas Jefferson foretold the consequences of an omnipotent Supreme Court of the Federal government interpreting the powers of the Federal government:

http://lf-oll.s3.amazonaws.com/titles/808/0054-12_Bk.pdf (pdf images)

http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/808 (text)

The Works of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 12 (1905), Paul Leicester Ford, Editor, pp. 161 - 164.

Thomas Jefferson
September 28, 1820
Monticello

[boldface added]

To William Charles Jarvis

J. MSS.

Monticello,
September 28, 1820

I thank you, Sir, for the copy of your Republican which you have been so kind as to send me, and I should have acknowledged it sooner but that I am just returned home after a long absence. I have [162] not yet had time to read it seriously, but in looking over it cursorily I see much in it to approve, and shall be glad if it shall lead our youth to the practice of thinking on such subjects and for themselves. That it will have this tendency may be expected, and for that reason I feel an urgency to note what I deem an error in it, the more requiring notice as your opinion is strengthened by that of many others. You seem, in pages 84 and 148, to consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions; a very dangerous doctrine indeed, and one which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy. Our judges are as honest as other men, and not more so. They have, with others, the same passions for party, for power, and the privilege of their corps. Their maxim is “boni judicis est ampliare jurisdictionem,” and their power the more dangerous as they are in office for life, and not responsible, as the other functionaries are, to the elective control. The constitution has erected no such single tribunal, knowing that to whatever hands confided, with the corruptions of time and party, its members would become despots. It has more wisely made all the departments co-equal and co-sovereign within themselves. If the legislature fails to pass laws for a census, for paying the judges and other officers of government, for establishing a militia, for naturalization as prescribed by the constitution, or if they fail to meet in congress, the judges cannot issue their mandamus to them; if the President fails to supply the place of a judge, to appoint other civil or military officers, to issue requisite [163] commissions, the judges cannot force him. They can issue their mandamus or distringas to no executive or legislative officer to enforce the fulfilment of their official duties, any more than the president or legislature may issue orders to the judges or their officers. Betrayed by English example, and unaware, as it should seem, of the control of our constitution in this particular, they have at times overstepped their limit by undertaking to command executive officers in the discharge of their executive duties; but the constitution, in keeping three departments distinct and independent, restrains the authority of the judges to judiciary organs, as it does the executive and legislative to executive and legislative organs. The judges certainly have more frequent occasion to act on constitutional questions, because the laws of meum and tuum and of criminal action, forming the great mass of the system of law, constitute their particular department. When the legislative or executive functionaries act unconstitutionally, they are responsible to the people in their elective capacity. The exemption of the judges from that is quite dangerous enough. I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them, but to inform their discretion by education. This is the true corrective of abuses of constitutional power. Pardon me, Sir, for this difference of opinion. My personal interest in such questions is entirely extinct, but not my wishes for the [164] longest possible continuance of our government on its pure principles; if the three powers maintain their mutual independence on each other it may last long, but not so if either can assume the authorities of the other. I ask your candid re-consideration of this subject, and am sufficiently sure you will form a candid conclusion. Accept the assurance of my great respect.

http://www.gutenberg.org/files/16784/16784-h/16784-h.htm#link2H_4_0160

Title: Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson

Author: Thomas Jefferson

Editor: Thomas Jefferson Randolph

Volume IV, Second Edition (1830), pp. 229-230.

LETTER CLX.—TO ———— NICHOLAS, December 11,1821

TO ———— NICHOLAS.

Monticello, December 11, 1821,

Dear Sir,

Your letter of December the 19th places me under a dilemma, which I cannot solve but by an exposition of the naked truth. I would have wished this rather to have remained as hitherto, without inquiry; but your inquiries have a right to be answered. I will do it as exactly as the great lapse of time and a waning memory will enable me. I may misremember indifferent circumstances, but can be right in substance.

At the time when the republicans of our country were so much alarmed at the proceedings of the federal ascendancy in Congress, in the executive and the judiciary departments, it became a matter of serious consideration how head could be made against their enterprises on the constitution. The leading republicans in Congress found themselves of no use there, browbeaten, as they were, by a bold and overwhelming majority. They concluded to retire from that field, take a stand in the State legislatures, and endeavor there to arrest their progress. The alien and sedition laws furnished the particular occasion. The sympathy between Virginia and Kentucky was more cordial, and more intimately confidential, than between any other two States of republican policy. Mr. Madison came into the Virginia legislature. 1 was then in the Vice-Presidency, and could not leave my station. But your father, Colonel W. C. Nicholas, and myself happening to be together, the engaging the co-operation of Kentucky in an energetic protestation against the constitutionality of those laws, became a subject of consultation. Those gentlemen pressed me strongly to sketch resolutions for that purpose, your father undertaking to introduce them to that legislature, with a solemn assurance, which I strictly required, that it should not be known from what quarter they came. I drew and delivered them to him, and, in keeping their origin secret, he fulfilled his pledge of honor. Some years after this, Colonel Nicholas asked me if I would have any objection to its being known that I had drawn them. I pointedly enjoined that it should not. Whether he had unguardedly intimated it before to any one, I know not: but I afterwards observed in the papers repeated imputations of them to me; on which, as has been my practice on all occasions of imputation, I have observed entire silence. The question, indeed, has never before been put to me, nor should I answer it to any other than yourself; seeing no good end to be proposed by it, and the desire of tranquillity inducing with me a wish to be withdrawn from public notice. Your father's zeal and talents were too well known, to derive any additional distinction from the penning these resolutions. That circumstance, surely, was of far less merit than the, proposing and carrying them through the legislature of his State. The only fact in this statement, on which my memory is not distinct, is the time and occasion of the consultation with your father and Colonel Nicholas. It took place here I know; but whether any other person was present, or communicated with, is my doubt. I think Mr. Madison was either with us, or consulted, but my memory is uncertain as to minute details.

I fear, Dear Sir, we are now in such another crisis, with this difference only, that the judiciary branch is alone and single-handed in the present assaults on the constitution. But its assaults are more sure and deadly, as from an agent seemingly passive and unassuming. May you and your contemporaries meet them with the same determination and effect, as your father and his did the alien and sedition laws, and preserve inviolate a constitution, which, cherished in all its chastity and purity, will prove in the end a blessing to all the nations of the earth. With these prayers, accept those for your own happiness and prosperity.

Th: Jefferson.

nolu chan  posted on  2015-03-04   15:35:43 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#12. To: nolu chan (#8)

“Pursuant to Rule 65 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, the aforementioned orders bind only the Alabama attorney general and do not bind the probate judges of Alabama who, as members of the judicial branch, neither act as agents or employees of the attorney general nor in concert or participation with him.”

The attorney general, Moore noted, has no authority to issue marriage licenses.

“Should any probate judge of this state fail to follow the Constitution and the statutes of Alabama as stated, it would be the responsibility of the chief executive officer of the state of Alabama, Gov. Robert Bentley, in whom the Constitution vests ‘the supreme executive power of this state,’ … to ensure the execution of the law.”

Thanks, great research.

Have to give Alabama credit. I guess the next time a homosexual couple wants to sue the state for a state law they have to sue the entire government instead of just name the Attorney General.

"Now godliness with contentment is great gain. For we brought nothing into this world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out." (1 Timothy 6:6-7)

redleghunter  posted on  2015-03-04   15:46:24 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#13. To: nolu chan, BobCeleste (#11)

The Constitution is a static, enduring document, not a living document whose meaning morphs with the times. A "living Constitution" can mean whatever someone wants it to say. It can be made to say the exact opposite of what was ratified by the people.

The "natural" result of a society and government given over to humanistic materialistic relativism.

"Now godliness with contentment is great gain. For we brought nothing into this world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out." (1 Timothy 6:6-7)

redleghunter  posted on  2015-03-04   16:14:50 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#14. To: A K A Stone, SOSO, redleghunter, BobCeleste (#0)

The latest decision from the Alabama Supreme Court, with concurring and dissenting opinions.

In re Alan King, S Ct Alabama 1140460 , OPINION per curiam (2015) same-sex marriage

nolu chan  posted on  2015-03-04   16:47:42 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#15. To: redleghunter (#13)

The "natural" result of a society and government given over to humanistic materialistic relativism.

Compare what the Federal government has done, and is doing, to the opinion of Thomas Jefferson in his draft of the Kentucky Resolutions. It is difficult to imagine that the people of the 1780s knowingly ratified some words or other that provided for same-sex marriage and the people only now discovered it.

I do not see where the Constitution delegated to the Federal government, any power to redefine marriage or to tell states that abortion must be permitted or the purchase of health insurance is mandatory. The Framers would not recognize the Federal government of today. The government of today knows few limits.

Thomas JEFFERSON, DRAFT of the Kentucky Resolutions.

[undated but before 4 Oct. 1798 in context]

1. Resolved that the several states composing the US. of America are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government; but that, by a compact under the style & title of a Constitution for the US, and of Amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for special purposes, delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each state to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the General government assumes undelegated powers, it’s acts are unauthoritative, void, & of no force, that to this compact each state acceded as a state, and is an integral party, it’s co-states forming, as to itself, the other party, that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made it’s discretion, & not the constitution the measure of it’s powers: but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode & measure of redress.

2. Resolved that, the Constitution of the US, having delegated to Congress a power to punish treason, counterfieting the securities & current coin of the US, piracies & felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations, & no other crimes whatsoever, and it being true as a general principle, and one of the Amendments to the constitution having also declared, that ‘the powers not delegated to the US by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people,’ therefore, the act of Congress passed on the 14th day of July 1798, and intituled ‘an Act in addition to the act intituled an Act for the punishment of certain crimes against the US,’ as also the act passed by them on the day of _____ June 1798, intituled ‘an Act to punish frauds committed on the bank of the US,’ [and all other their acts which assume to create, define, or punish crimes, other than those so enumerated in the Constitution] are altogether void and of no force, and that the power to create, define, & punish such other crimes is reserved, and of right appurtains solely and exclusively to the respective states, each within it’s own territory.

3. Resolved that it is true as a general principle and is also expressly declared by one of the amendments to the constitution that ‘the powers not delegated to the US by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively or to the people’: and that no power over the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the press being delegated to the US. by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, all lawful powers respecting the same did of right remain, & were reserved, to the states or the people: that thus was manifested their determination to retain to themselves the right of judging how far the licentiousness of speech and of the press may be abridged without lessening their useful freedom, and how far those abuses which cannot be separated from their use should be tolerated rather than the use be destroyed; and thus also they guarded against all abridgement by the US of the freedom of religious opinions and exercises, & retained to themselves the right of protecting the same, as this state, by a law passed on the general demand of it’s citizens, had already protected them, from all human restraint or interference: And that in addition to this general principle & express declaration, another & more special provision has been made by one of the amendments to the constitution which expressly declares that ‘Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press,’ thereby guarding in the same sentence & under the same words the freedom of religion, of speech & of the press, insomuch that whatever violates either throws down the sanctuary which covers the others, and that libels, falsehood and defamation equally with heresy & false religion are witheld from the cognisance of federal tribunals; that therefore the act of the Congress of the US. passed on the 14th day of July 1798, intituled ‘an act in addition to the act intituled an act for the punishment of certain crimes against the US,’ which does abridge the freedom of the press is not law but is altogether void and of no force.

[snip]

nolu chan  posted on  2015-03-04   17:11:54 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#16. To: redleghunter, nolu chan, All (#12)

Have to give Alabama credit. I guess the next time a homosexual couple wants to sue the state for a state law they have to sue the entire government instead of just name the Attorney General.

It's about time that states and local governments start playing hardball with the Fed. I am all in favor of pushing this resistance to the legal limit all the way until the line breaks. The name of the game is Civil Disobedience for which there is ample, including recent, successful examples thereof.

потому что Бог хочет это тот путь

SOSO  posted on  2015-03-04   17:14:56 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


#17. To: nolu chan (#15)

Indeed a mere shadow we are now.

"Now godliness with contentment is great gain. For we brought nothing into this world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out." (1 Timothy 6:6-7)

redleghunter  posted on  2015-03-04   23:51:31 ET  Reply   Trace   Private Reply  


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