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U.S. Constitution
See other U.S. Constitution Articles

Title: REPUBLICANS CAN STOP EXECUTIVE ORDER AMNESTY DEAD
Source: [None]
URL Source: http://northamericanlawcenter.org/r ... der-amnesty-dead/#.VG3FmvnF-Jg
Published: Nov 20, 2014
Author: JB Williams
Post Date: 2014-11-20 05:48:17 by out damned spot
Keywords: Republicans, executive order, amnesty
Views: 7439
Comments: 32

The little dictator-in-chief is set to announce his unconstitutional attempt to circumvent and subvert the constitutional powers of Congress Thursday night, as he attempts to single-handedly grant millions of illegal aliens defacto amnesty and then head off to Las Vegas to party with Harry Reid.

A little past noon Wednesday the 19th, the White House posted a Facebook announcement that reads as follows;

“It’s time to fix our broken immigration system. Tomorrow night (November 20th), President Obama will address the nation on new commonsense steps he’s taking to fix as much of it as he can. Tune in tomorrow at 8pm ET on http://WhiteHouse.gov/Immigration-Action #‎ImmigrationAction‬”

Does Barack Hussein Obama have any constitutional authority to alter U.S. Immigration and Naturalization laws or rules via Executive Order?

The answer is not just NO, it is absolutely not!

Article I – Section 8, under the enumerated powers of Congress, the U.S. Constitution assigns all legal authority to establish rules and regulate United States Immigration and Naturalization solely to the U.S. Congress, which has indeed established a uniform set of rules for immigrating to the United States and becoming a United States citizen.

Article II relative to the Executive powers of the Oval Office makes no mention of any law-making authority whatsoever, any powers to regulate Immigration or Naturalization rules, or any power to circumvent or subvert the Laws of the United States as established by Congress. There is also no mention of Executive Orders or special executive powers in Article II of the U.S. Constitution.

Therefore, Barack Hussein Obama has NO constitutional legal authority whatsoever to alter, circumvent, subvert or otherwise ignore the standing laws of the United States concerning Immigration and Naturalization.

Article I – Section I – “All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.”

Article I – Section 8 – The Enumerated Powers of CONGRESS – “To establish a uniform rule of naturalization…”

This means that any unilateral executive action by Barack Hussein Obama on Immigration and Naturalization is a blatant act of treason. If Barack Obama is foolish enough to take any such action, he must be held fully accountable for those actions immediately.

WHAT ARE EXECUTIVE ORDERS?

The Executive Branch has one constitutional authority, and that is “to faithfully execute the laws of our land,” the U.S. Constitution, the Bill of Rights and our Immigration and Naturalization laws. Obama and all Democrats have openly and purposefully refused to do so and now, they threaten to run roughshod over congressional authority in broad daylight, expecting both Congress and the American people to lay down and silently take it.

Under Article II – Section I of the U.S. Constitution, “Before he (Obama) enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation:–“I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

Contrary to popular modern “expert legal” opinions from lawyers never taught constitutional law or American history, the President of the United States is not granted any power of dictatorship. The Oval Office does not have any legal authority to rule the nation in any unilateral method.

As a result, any such effort on the part of any Oval Office occupant is a blatant effort to circumvent, subvert, undermine and destroy the Rule of Constitutional Law and the Constitutional Republic.

The power of Executive Orders are limited to items under the legal purview of the Executive Branch and they are limited to “executing the laws” established by Congress. Executive powers do not extend to law-making authority, nor do they extend to subverting or circumventing the laws of our land.

Further, Executive Orders can only stand with the approval of Congress. Congress has the constitutional authority to override any Executive Order that is beyond the legal purview of the Executive Branch under the U.S. Constitution.

NOT A DICTATORSHIP

The United States Constitution does not form a dictatorship, nor does it form a nine member unelected oligarchy called the Supreme Court, nor does it create a government of, by and for La Raza and millions of illegal aliens.

For Obama to successfully commit treason against the United States by aiding and abetting known criminal invaders of our nation, against the overwhelming will of legal American citizens and taxpayers, Congress will have to stand down and abdicate all constitutional congressional authority to the Executive or Judicial branches, rendering the US Congress complicit in the treason and worthy of total destruction by the American people.

WHAT CAN CONGRESS DO?

First, I state for the record – REPUBLICANS HAVE ALL THE POWER THEY NEED TO STOP EXECUTIVE ORDER AMNESTY DEAD, RIGHT NOW!

This means that for Obama to get away with what he is about to attempt, Congressional Republicans will have to allow him to get away with it. It means that Congressional Republicans want amnesty too, but want to be able to use Obama’s unilateral move as a political hammer later…

Second, although many Congressional Democrats are too ignorant to know or care that what Obama is about to attempt is both unconstitutional and illegal, Obama himself does know, which is why he has not already done it, before being bullied into doing it now.

So, if Republicans care to represent their constituents by upholding the Rule of Constitutional Law and protecting and defending the sovereignty and security of the United States, they will have to STOP OBAMA AMNESTY dead in its tracks. Or, they become complicit in Obama’s treason…

Now, the how…

Obama will attempt Executive Amnesty during this lame duck session of congress, before Republicans take control of both houses in January. He will do this because Republicans can hide behind not yet having control of the Senate, which they will falsely claim they must have in order to stop Obama.

However, because the issue is black and white, the power to regulate and make rules concerning Immigration and Naturalization resting in the sole legal purview of Congress, House Republicans can act right now to block Obama amnesty.

House Republicans can immediately move to pass a House Resolution declaring that Barack Hussein Obama has no constitutional authority to regulate Immigration and Naturalization rules, delegated as a sole authority of the U.S. Congress in Article I – Section 8 enumerated powers of Congress, nor any power to circumvent or subvert the Rule of Constitutional Law via Executive Order.

This resolution will render any Executive Order on amnesty “null and void” on arrival, making it an illegal act for Immigration and Naturalization officials to act on that illegal order.

House Republicans can immediately file Article of Impeachment in the House Judiciary Committee, naming all Democrat co-conspirators to include Vice President Joe Biden, Senate Leader Harry Reid and House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, making it impossible for any of them to succeed Barack Hussein Obama in the constitutional line of succession to the Oval Office.

A Senate impeachment trial can begin after the 114th Congress is sworn in in January.

There are more steps that can and should be taken by Congress after the first three steps identified above, but there is no point in discussing those steps until House Republicans have taken action on the above items.

In short, the American people do not have to sit back and tolerate the abuses of the executive office that have defined the Obama Administration for the past six years.

The people do not have to quietly accept illegal amnesty via executive fiat and neither does Congress.

I hope that Obama does take this suicidal step tomorrow, as it will bring about the end of his tyrannical despotic and fraudulent reign over America and begin the process of holding all of his co-conspirators fully and criminally accountable for their many acts of treason against the United States and the American people.

My only concern is what lies ahead for Congressional Republicans if they fail to faithfully execute the oaths of their offices and allow Barack Obama to render Congress, the Constitution and our Republic extinct.

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Begin Trace Mode for Comment # 16.

#4. To: out damned spot (#0)

House Republicans can immediately move to pass a House Resolution declaring that Barack Hussein Obama has no constitutional authority to regulate Immigration and Naturalization rules, delegated as a sole authority of the U.S. Congress in Article I – Section 8 enumerated powers of Congress, nor any power to circumvent or subvert the Rule of Constitutional Law via Executive Order.

This resolution will render any Executive Order on amnesty “null and void” on arrival, making it an illegal act for Immigration and Naturalization officials to act on that illegal order.

A House Resolution would not render any Executive Order null and void. A House Resolution would be a legislative fart in the wind. Legislative intent has not been misunderstood.

The question at hand regards the use of executive prosecutorial discretion.

Congress has already written its intent within statute law.

Division C of Pub.L. 104–208, 110 Stat 3009-546 at 720

Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRAIRA)

SEC. 659. SENSE OF THE CONGRESS REGARDING THE MISSION OF THE IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION SERVICE.

It is the sense of the Congress that the mission statement of the Immigration and Naturalization Service should include a statement that it is the responsibility of the Service to detect, apprehend, and remove those aliens unlawfully present in the United States, particularly those aliens involved in drug trafficking or other criminal activity.

In a letter of 1/19/2000 to Rep. Barney Frank, then Assistant Attorney General Robert Raben wrote:

The IIRAIRA eliminated both the possibility of relief from deportation and the possibility of bond for many criminal and other aliens placed in deportation and/or removal proceedings who previously would have been eligible for relief. Consequently, the IIRAIRA rendered the exercise of prosecutorial discretion by the INS the only means for averting the extreme hardship associated with certain deportation and/or removal cases.

Then Rep. Barney Frank (D-MA) commented:

What Congress said was "We are going to take away all of your discretion." The bill that passed purported to take away prosecutorial discretion. The purpose of the bill was to say to INS "Deport them all." It is none of your business to say, "Stay here, or not to stay here. Get rid of all of them."

Rodriguez, Christina, "The President and Immigration Law" (2009), Faculty Scholarship Series, Paper 3908, 512-13 [footnotes omitted]
http://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4913&context=fss_papers

1. Deportation for Unauthorized Presence

First, and perhaps most importantly, Congress has delegated substantial authority to the President by making deportable all persons who have entered without authorization. Historically, unauthorized entry did not always render an immigrant deportable. The first federal immigration controls contained no deportation provisions.

[...]

Today, however, the Immigration and Nationality Act makes deportable any noncitizen who enters the United States without authorization or who overstays her visa. Though these provisions lay out clear rules that do not confer any de jure discretion on the Executive to determine who has lawful status and may therefore remain in the United States, in practice they delegate tremendous authority to the executive branch. The principal reason is that over thirty percent of all noncitizens living in the United States are deportable under this provision because they have either entered illegally or overstayed their visas.

Id. at 518-19:

Far from eliminating discretion, then, the statutory restrictions on discretionary relief have simply consolidated this discretion in the agency officials responsible for charging decisions. Prosecutorial discretion has thus overtaken the exercise of discretion by immigration judges when it comes to questions of relief.

nolu chan  posted on  2014-11-20   11:33:54 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


#5. To: nolu chan (#4)

House Republicans can immediately move to pass a House Resolution declaring that Barack Hussein Obama has no constitutional authority to regulate Immigration and Naturalization rules, delegated as a sole authority of the U.S. Congress in Article I – Section 8 enumerated powers of Congress, nor any power to circumvent or subvert the Rule of Constitutional Law via Executive Order. This resolution will render any Executive Order on amnesty “null and void” on arrival, making it an illegal act for Immigration and Naturalization officials to act on that illegal order.

Obama wouldn't sign it. It seems today it takes 2/3 to override the dictators executive fiat.

Congress should pass a bill that says that what Obama is doing is invalid. In the language they should say that this doesn't need the Presidents signature it is full force of law.

Then they should draft orders ordering others not to cooperate.

I know it is not going happen.

Obama is like a street gangster. The Republicans are acting like naive white kids from some rich place. The Republicans need to get street wise too and fight back with a scorched earth campaign.

They should also do their constitutional duty to impeach Obama.

If the Senate finds him not guilty. Impeach him again. For the remainder.

I know its not going to happen. Most Republicans are wusses.

A K A Stone  posted on  2014-11-20   11:49:47 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


#6. To: A K A Stone (#5)

Obama wouldn't sign it. It seems today it takes 2/3 to override the dictators executive fiat.

Congress should pass a bill that says that what Obama is doing is invalid. In the language they should say that this doesn't need the Presidents signature it is full force of law.

A Resolution expressing the sense of the House does not need a signature of the President. It also has no force of law. For example, there was a Senate resolution stating the sense of the Senate that John McCain was a natural born citizen. It had no legal effect.

Congress has no authority to pass a bill and say it is law without being signed by the President. Such a purported law would be considered null and void.

This fight is over the use, extent and reach of the President's power to use prosecutorial discretion. I would find what he is reported to be about to do is unlawful abuse of disrection and a perversion of the law.

However, for defense of such use of purported executive authority, see the following letter from a large group of immigration lawyers to President Obama. This will essentially be the Obama argument.

LINK

Note: footnotes have been converted to endnotes.

- - - - -

September 3, 2014

The President
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20500

Re: Executive authority to protect individuals or groups from deportation

Dear Mr. President,

As immigration law teachers and scholars, we write to express our position on the scope of executive branch legal authority to issue an immigration directive to protect individuals or groups from deportation. We do not take a formal position on what steps the administration should take. Rather, we offer legal foundations and history that we believe are critical to understanding how prosecutorial discretion fits into the immigration system.

“Prosecutorial discretion” refers to the Department of Homeland Security's authority to decide how the immigration laws should be applied.1 It is a common, long-accepted legal practice in practically every law enforcement context.2 There are multiple forms of immigration prosecutorial discretion. Discretion covers both agency decisions to refrain from acting on enforcement, like cancelling, serving or filing a charging document or Notice to Appear with the immigration court, as well as decisions to provide a discretionary remedy like granting a stay of removal,3 parole,4 or deferred action.5 A favorable grant of prosecutorial discretion does not provide formal legal status or independent means to obtain permanent residency. It does, however, provide a temporary reprieve from deportation. Some forms of prosecutorial discretion, like deferred action, confer “lawful presence” 6 and the ability to apply for work authorization.

[1]

- - - - -

The application of prosecutorial discretion to individuals or groups is grounded in the Constitution, and has been part of the immigration system for many years. Furthermore, court decisions, the immigration statute, regulations and policy guidance have recognized prosecutorial discretion dating back to at least the 1970s. Notably, in 2012, the U.S. Supreme Court reiterated: “A principal feature of the removal system is the broad discretion exercised by immigration officials…Federal officials, as an initial matter, must decide whether it makes sense to pursue removal at all…”7 Federal courts have also recognized prosecutorial discretion and with respect to deferred action in particular, discussed its reviewability.8

In addition to the courts, Congress, through the Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA” or the “Act”), clearly empowered the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to make choices about immigration enforcement: “The Secretary of Homeland Security shall be charged with the administration and enforcement of this Act and all other laws relating to the immigration and naturalization of aliens….”9 Congress has also implicitly acknowledged immigration prosecutorial discretion insofar as its appropriations for immigration enforcement have fallen far below the actual number of removable people in the United States.10 Moreover, Congress also recognized legal authority for immigration prosecutorial discretion in INA § 242(g), which bars judicial review of three specific prosecutorial discretion decisions by the agency: decisions to commence removal proceedings, to adjudicate cases, and to execute removal orders.11 Other sections of the Act explicitly name deferred action as a tool for protecting certain victims of abuse, crime or trafficking.12 The Act is guided by binding regulations which themselves indicate the prominence of prosecutorial discretion in immigration law. One regulation expressly defines deferred action as “an act of administrative convenience to the government which gives some cases lower priority” and goes on to authorize work permits for those who receive deferred action.13 The regulations

[2]

- - - - -

also provide work authorization for those who have been released on an “order of supervision,” another form of prosecutorial discretion for individuals who present compelling equities following a removal order.14

U.S. immigration agencies have a long history of exercising prosecutorial discretion, on both a case-by-case and group basis. For example, deferred action can be requested by any person in the United States and historically has required the individual or her attorney to document compelling humanitarian reasons.15 Even when a program like deferred action has been aimed at a particular group of people, the individual is still required to apply and be screened by the agency on a case-by-case basis; all the facts of the individual case are considered.

Numerous administrations have issued directives using prosecutorial discretion as a tool to protect specifically defined—and often large—classes. In 2005, the George W. Bush administration announced a “deferred action” program for foreign academic students affected by Hurricane Katrina.16 In 2007, the George W. Bush administration exercised prosecutorial discretion in the form of “Deferred Enforcement Departure” for certain Liberians.17 In 1990, the George Bush Sr. administration announced a “Family Fairness” policy to defer deportations and provide work authorization of up to 1.5 million unauthorized spouses and children of immigrants who qualified for legalization under legislation passed by Congress in 1986.18 In 1981, the Ronald Reagan administration issued a form of prosecutorial discretion called “Extended Voluntary Departure” to thousands of Polish nationals.19 The legal sources and history for immigration prosecutorial discretion described above are by no means exhaustive, but

[3]

- - - - -

underscore the legal authority for an administration to apply prosecutorial discretion to both individuals and groups.

Based on this authority, prosecutorial discretion is often carried out for economic or humanitarian reasons. When economic and human resources are limited, and people with desirable qualities like intellectual or economic promise, strong family ties, long-term residence in the United States, or other humanitarian needs are vulnerable to enforcement, prosecutorial discretion has frequently been exercised. Administrations have recognized this by issuing agency memoranda reaffirming the role of prosecutorial discretion in immigration law. In 1976, President Ford’s Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) General Counsel Sam Bernsen stated in a legal opinion, “The reasons for the exercise of prosecutorial discretion are both practical and humanitarian. There simply are not enough resources to enforce all of the rules and regulations presently on the books.”20 In 2000, INS Commissioner Doris Meissner issued a memorandum on prosecutorial discretion in immigration matters and asserted that “[s]ervice officers are not only authorized by law but expected to exercise discretion in a judicious manner at all stages of the enforcement process,” and spelled out the factors that should guide those decisions.21 In 2011, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (now a component of DHS) published guidance known as the “Morton Memo,” outlining more than one dozen factors, including humanitarian factors, for employees to consider in deciding whether discretion should be exercised. These included tender or elderly age, long-time lawful permanent residence, and serious health conditions.22

Some have suggested that the size of the group who may “benefit” from an act of prosecutorial discretion is relevant to its legality. We are unaware of any legal authority for such an assumption. The administration could conceivably decide to cap the number of people who can receive prosecutorial discretion or make the conditions restrictive enough to keep the numbers small, but this would be a policy choice, not a legal question.23 A serious legal question would arise if the administration were to halt all immigration enforcement, because in such a case the justification of resource limitations would not apply. But the Obama administration to date appears to have enforced the immigration law significantly through apprehensions, investigations, detentions and over two million removals.24

In conclusion, we believe the administration has the legal authority to use prosecutorial discretion as a tool for managing resources and protecting individuals residing in and contributing to the United States in meaningful ways. Likewise, when prosecutorial discretion is

- - - - -

exercised, there is no legal barrier to formalizing that policy decision through sound procedures that include a form application and dissemination of the relevant criteria to the officers charged with implementing the program and to the public. As the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program has shown, those kinds of procedures help officers to implement policy decisions fairly and consistently, and they offer the public the transparency that government priority decisions require in a democracy.25

Respectfully yours,

Shoba Sivaprasad Wadhia
Samuel Weiss Faculty Scholar, Clinical Professor of Law
Pennsylvania State University Dickinson School of Law26

[5]

- - - - -

The remainder of page 5 and pages 6 through 12 are signature pages for the many legal folks who joined in this paper.

- - - - -

FOTNOTES converted to ENDNOTES

1 See Thomas Aleinikoff, David Martin, Hiroshi Motomura & Maryellen Fullerton, Immigration and Citizenship: Process and Policy 778-88 (7th ed. 2012); Stephen H. Legomsky & Cristina Rodriguez, Immigration and Refugee Law and Policy 629-32 (5th ed. 2009); Shoba Sivaprasad Wadhia, The Role of Prosecutorial Discretion in Immigration Law, 9 Conn. Pub. Int. L. J. 243 (2010), http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1476341.

2 Notably, in criminal law, prosecutorial discretion has existed for hundreds of years. It was a common reference point for the immigration agency in early policy documents describing prosecutorial discretion. See Memorandum from Doris Meissner, Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) Commissioner, Exercising Prosecutorial Discretion 1 (Nov. 17, 2000) [hereinafter Meissner Memo], http://www.legalactioncenter.org/sites/default/files/docs/lac/Meissner-2000-memo.pdf; Sam Bernsen, INS General Counsel, Legal Opinion Regarding Service Exercise of Prosecutorial Discretion (July 15, 1976), http://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/prosecutorial-discretion/service-exercise-pd.pdf. See also, e.g., Angela J. Davis, Arbitrary Justice (2007); Hiroshi Motomura, Prosecutorial Discretion in Context: How Discretion is Exercised Throughout our Immigration System, American Immigration Council 2-3 (April 2012), http://www.immigrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/docs/motomura_-_discretion_in_context_04112.pdf.

3 See, e.g., INA § 237(d)(4), http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/8/1227; 8 C.F.R. § 241.6, http://www.law.cornell.edu/cfr/text/8/241.6.

4 INA § 212(d)(5), http://www.uscis.gov/iframe/ilink/docView/SLB/HTML/SLB/0-0-0-1/0-0-0-29/0-0-0-2006.html.

5 See, e.g., INA § 237(d)(2); 8 C.F.R. § 274a.12(c)(14), http://www.law.cornell.edu/cfr/text/8/274a.12.

6 Memorandum from Donald Neufeld, Lori Scialabba, & Pearl Chang, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), Consolidation of Guidance Concerning Unlawful Presence for Purposes of Sections 212(a)(9)(B)(i) and 212(a)(9)(C)(i)(I) of the Act (May 6, 2009), http://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Laws/Memoranda/Static_Files_Memoranda/2009/revision_redesign_AFM.PDF; U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, Frequently Asked Questions (updated June 5, 2014), http://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/consideration-deferred-action-childhood-arrivals-process/frequently-asked-questions.

7 See Arizona v. United States, 132 S. Ct. 2492, 2499 (2012); see also Reno v. ADC, 525 U.S. 471 (1999).

8 See e.g., Lennon v. Immigration & Naturalization Service, 527 F.2d 187, 191 n. 5 (2d Cir. 1975); Soon Bok Yoon v. INS, 538 F.2d 1211, 1213 (5th Cir. 1976); Vergel v. INS, 536 F.2d 755 (8th Cir. 1976); David v. INS, 548 F.2d 219 (8th Cir. 1977); Nicholas v. INS, 590 F.2d 802 (9th Cir. 1979).

9 INA § 103(a), http://www.uscis.gov/iframe/ilink/docView/SLB/HTML/SLB/0-0-0-1/0-0-0-29/0-0-0-769.html.

10 One source suggests that DHS has resources to remove about 400,000 or less than 4% of the total removable population. See John Morton, Director, U.S. Immigration & Customs Enforcement, Exercising Prosecutorial Discretion Consistent with the Civil Immigration Enforcement Priorities of the Agency for the Apprehension, Detention, and Removal of Aliens (June 17, 2011), available at http://www.ice.gov/doclib/secure-communities/pdf/prosecutorial-discretion-memo.pdf.

11 INA § 242(g), http://www.uscis.gov/iframe/ilink/docView/SLB/HTML/SLB/0-0-0-1/0-0-0-29/0-0-0-6965.html; see also Reno v. ADC, supra note 7.

12 INA § § 237(d)(2), http://www.uscis.gov/iframe/ilink/docView/SLB/HTML/SLB/0-0-0-1/0-0-0-29/0-0-0-5684.html; 204(a)(1)(D)(i)(II,IV), http://www.uscis.gov/iframe/ilink/docView/SLB/HTML/SLB/0-0-0-1/0-0-0-29/0-0-0-1272.html.

13 8 C.F.R. § 274a.12(c)(14), http://www.law.cornell.edu/cfr/text/8/274a.12.

14 8 C.F.R. § 274a.12(c)(18), http://www.law.cornell.edu/cfr/text/8/274a.12.

15 For example, of the 698 deferred action cases processed by Immigration and Customs Enforcement between October 1, 2011, and June 30, 2012, the most common humanitarian reasons for a grant were: Presence of a USC dependent; Presence in the United States since childhood; Primary caregiver of an individual who suffers from a serious mental or physical illness; Length of presence in the United States; and Suffering from a serious mental or medical care condition. See Shoba Sivaprasad Wadhia, My Great FOIA Adventure and Discoveries of Deferred Action Cases at ICE, 27 Geo. Immigr. L.J. 345, 356-69 (2013), http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2195758.

16 See Shoba Sivaprasad Wadhia, Response, In Defense of DACA, Deferred Action, and the DREAM Act, 91 Tex. L. Rev. 59, n. 46 (2013), http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2195735, citing Press Release, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, USCIS Announces Interim Relief for Foreign Students Adversely Impacted by Hurricane Katrina (Nov. 25, 2005), http://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/files/pressrelease/F1Student_11_25_05_PR.pdf.

17 DED Granted Country- Liberia, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration, http://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status-deferred-enforced-departure/ded-granted-country-liberia/ded-granted-country-liberia (last visited Aug. 20, 2014).

18 See Marvine Howe, New Policy Aids Families of Aliens, N.Y. Times (March 5, 1990), http://www.nytimes.com/1990/03/05/nyregion/new-policy-aids-families-of-aliens.html; 67 Interpreter Releases 204 (Feb. 26, 1990); 67 Interpreter Releases 153 (Feb. 5, 1990). Bush’s policy followed a narrower 1987 executive order by President Reagan’s immigration commissioner that applied only to children. 64 Interpreter Releases 1191 (Oct. 26, 1987). Congress later in 1990 legislatively provided some of them a path to legalization. Immigration and Nationality Act of 1990, Pub. L. 101-649, Sec. 301, 104 Stat. 4978, http://www.justice.gov/eoir/IMMACT1990.pdf.

19 Legomsky & Rodriguez, Immigration and Refugee Law and Policy 1115-17 (5th ed. 2009); See also David Reimers, Still the Golden Door: The Third World Comes to America 202 (1986).

20 Bernsen, supra note 2.

21 Meissner Memo, supra note 2. Notably, the Meissner memo was a key reference point for related memoranda issued during the George W. Bush administration, among them a 2005 memorandum from Immigration and Customs Enforcement legal head William Howard and a 2007 memo from ICE head Julie Myers on the use of prosecutorial discretion when making decisions about undocumented immigrants who are nursing mothers.

22 Morton, supra note 10.

23 For a broader discussion about the relationship, class size, and constitutionality, see Wadhia, supra note 16.

24 U.S. ICE, FY 2013 ICE Immigration Removals, http://www.ice.gov/removal-statistics/ (last visited Aug. 20, 2014); Marc R. Rosenblum & Doris Meissner, The Deportation Dilemma: Reconciling Tough and Humane Enforcement, Migration Policy Institute (April 2014), http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/deportation-dilemma-reconciling-tough-humane-enforcement.

25 For a broader discussion of the administrative law values associated with prosecutorial discretion, see Hiroshi Motomura, Immigration Outside the Law 19-55, 185-92 (2014); Shoba Sivaprasad Wadhia, Sharing Secrets: Examining Deferred Action and Transparency in Immigration Law, 10 U. N. H. L. Rev. 1 (2012) (also providing a proposal for designing deferred action procedures), http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1879443.

26 All institutional affiliations listed for identification purposes only.

nolu chan  posted on  2014-11-20   13:12:21 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


#16. To: A K A Stone (#6)

A flaw in the executive authority to so broadly assert prosecutorial discretion is that it does not carve out an exception but nullifies the law. The authority is not claimed specifically to immigration law but as a broad inherent power to exert such authority regarding any law. Such an assertion offers up interesting possibilities if carried to its logical absurdity.

The president could issue an executive order that one day per year is designated as a prosecution free day. Any alleged crime committed on the designated day would not be subject to prosecution. Murder? It's the day to get even. Rape? It's all good.

The governor of Texas could issue an executive order designating a specified zone, say one quarter mile on the Texas side of the Rio Grande, as a prosecution free zone. Sharpshooters could set up shop within the zone and take out alien invaders without fear of state prosecution. The executive order could specify that no state funds would be expended to receive reports of alleged crimes in the law free zone, nor to expend any state funds to investigate or prosecute such alleged crimes.

So, where does this inherent power of the president end? Where it is unreasonable or obligates government funding not authorized.

After a historical review, Laurence Tribe points out,

Thus the assumption that prosecution is a quintessentially executive function appears to lack any historical basis. History need not always be decisive, of course; the linguistic plausibility of the claim that prosecuting those who violate the nation's laws is the very essence of executing those laws, coupled with a tradition going back more than a century in which prosecution has been generally viewed as executive in character, might well suffice to cast a considerable constitutional shadow over any device removing the prosecutorial function from ultimate presidential control. Offsetting that shadow, however, is the force of the proposition that the Constitution speaks only to "the distribution of the supreme powers of the State; it simply "does not define the administrative, as distinct from the political, organs of the federal government." In contrast to the President's responsibilities with respect to the military, foreign affairs, and the granting of pardons, the prosecutorial function is not mentioned in Article II and, more specifically, the Constitution says nothing about permissible prosecutorial arrangements.

American Constitutional Law, Third Edition, Volume 1, pp. 697-98.

Also:

He [Justice Douglas] reasoned that, although the federal government undoubtedly had the power to condemn the steel mills—to take them for public use by eminent domain—it also had the constitutional duty to pay just compensation if it did so. And "[t]he branch of government that has the power to pay compensation for a seizure is the only one able to authorize a seizure or make lawful one that the President has effected." Because Article I, § 8, of the Constitution unambiguously gives Congress exclusive power to raise revenues, it followed that only Congress could authorize seizure of the steel mills, and it had not done so.

Justice Douglas's understanding of the import of congressional silence contrasts sharply with the apparent view of some of his colleagues in the majority. To Justice Douglas, Congress' silence barred the challenged action by President Truman not because it constituted evidence of congressional will that Truman act otherwise, but because the underlying constitutional rule, as the Justice would have had the Court announce it, made the sort of thing Truman did void absent explicit prior consent by Congress. In Justice Douglas' opinion, the Executive must not be allowed to confront Congress with a fait accompli—a situation in which Congress is bound by the Constitution to raise revenues it might have chosen no to raise in order to satisfy just compensation obligations that it might have chosen not to incur.

Id. at 672

How large an unfunded government funding obligation is being incurred to grant all nature of benefits to about 5 million deportable aliens?

nolu chan  posted on  2014-11-20   14:53:51 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


Replies to Comment # 16.

#19. To: nolu chan (#16)

How large an unfunded government funding obligation is being incurred to grant all nature of benefits to about 5 million deportable aliens?

Can anyone in this corrupt body of goobermint OR media even address that very question to Herr Kenyan??

A tsunami of parasitic bloodsuckers is about to slam an America already reeling from a rife FREEBIE SOCIETY, yet neither the effete Boehner or ball-less McConnell will touch the obvious.

Liberator  posted on  2014-11-20 15:24:52 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


End Trace Mode for Comment # 16.

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